The Tibetan Government’s Meddling Created Three Karmapas

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By: Karma Rigzin

On 5th November 1981, His Holiness the 16th Gyalwa Karmapa passed away. No one could have anticipated the controversy that would ensue in the coming decades. The recognition of his reincarnation, the 17th Karmapa, has since become one of the most controversial topics to rock the Tibetan community and thanks to the meddling of the Tibetan government, it remains an issue that drives a wedge between practitioners of the Karma Kagyu tradition.

At the heart of the controversy are the four Regents of the Karma Kagyu lineage – His Eminence Shamar Rinpoche, Tai Situ Rinpoche, Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche and Goshir Gyaltsab Rinpoche – as well as the three Karmapa candidates, each with their own claim to the throne. They are:


Karmapa Claimant #1: Dawa Sangpo Dorje

Dawa Sangpo Dorje

Dawa Sangpo Dorje was born on 30th May 1977 in Mangan, North Sikkim, leading to his colloquial name ‘the Sikkimese Karmapa’. At 41 years old, he is the oldest claimant to the 17th Karmapa’s throne and the first to be recognized.

Born into a very poor family, Dawa Sangpo Dorje had always felt out of place. As a child he would make proclamations of owning Rumtek Monastery, which is the Indian seat of the Karmapas.

Lachung Rinpoche first examined Dawa Sangpo Dorje at around five or six years old. He told Dawa Sangpo Dorje’s father to bring the child to Rumtek Monastery without telling him where they were going, in order to test the child. While at Rumtek, the child recognized the monastery despite his parents telling him that it was another monastery.

Around 1983, Dawa Sangpo Dorje was eventually brought before Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche, one of the four Regents of the Karma Kagyu tradition. The young boy was able to point out the 16th Karmapa’s sleeping quarters without hesitation. Later, he was asked to select the personal belongings of the 16th Karmapa. Shown six items, he was able to select four of them correctly. Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche then asked the parents to return in a few months as he was busy with pujas for the 16th Karmapa, and he also had to confer with the other three Regents. He adviced that Dawa Sangpo Dorje would need to be enrolled into the traditional course of Buddhist studies, and that the boy should be brought to him at Rumtek later on. However, Dawa Sangpo Dorje’s parents failed to do so.

Around 1989, the child was taken by some elderly Tibetans to study at Sakya Monastery in Darjeeling. Dawa Sangpo Dorje recalls that he was at a monastery in Lumbini, Nepal in 1992 when he heard about the demise of Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche in a tragic car accident at Siliguri, Bengal in India. Since Kongtrul Rinpoche was the only one who knew about his recognition, the recognition process for Dawa Sangpo Dorje did not proceed thereafter. Till that year, he was the only claimant to the throne of the Karmapas.


Karmapa Claimant #2: Trinley Thaye Dorje

Trinley Thaye Dorje

The second claimant to the 17th Karmapa’s throne, Trinley Thaye Dorje, was born on 6th May 1983 in Lhasa, Tibet. He is the son of the 3rd Mipham Rinpoche of Junyung Monastery, an important incarnate lama of the Nyingma school and his mother is Dechen Wangmo, the daughter of a noble family that descends from King Gesar of Ling. At one and a half years old, the boy is said to have started telling people that he was the Karmapa.

In 1988, His Eminence Shamar Rinpoche secretly travelled to Lhasa to investigate whether Thaye Dorje was the reincarnation of the Karmapa, due to a prophetic dream of the boy by Sakya Chogye Trichen Rinpoche. In March 1994, Thaye Dorje along with his family escaped from Tibet to India via Nepal. Later that same year, Shamar Rinpoche formally recognized and enthroned Thaye Dorje as the 17th Gyalwa Karmapa at the Karmapa International Buddhist Institute in New Delhi, India amidst turmoil.

After his enthronement, Thaye Dorje embarked on his traditional monastic training, receiving teachings and transmissions in Buddhist philosophy and practice. His teachers included the 14th Shamar Rinpoche, Professor Sempa Dorje and Khenpo Chödrak Tenphel. Consequently, in December 2003, Shamar Rinpoche enthroned Thaye Dorje as Vidhyadhara (Knowledge Holder) at the Karmapa International Buddhist Institute, thus formally establishing him as a lineage master.

Complementing his traditional Buddhist studies, Thaye Dorje also received a modern education from English and Australian tutors. From Professor Harrison Pemberton of Washington and Lee University (USA), he received an intensive introduction into Western philosophy. He currently resides in Kalimpong, India where he continues the traditional education required for a holder of the Karmapa title.

On 17th May 2006, the Karmapa Charitable Trust officially appointed Thaye Dorje as the heir to the 16th Karmapa’s estate. Since the Trust is the legal and administrative guardian of the estate, Thaye Dorje can legally reside in Rumtek Monastery in Sikkim. However, the resident monks currently in physical control of Rumtek Monastery oppose Thaye Dorje as they support the 3rd Karmapa claimant, Ogyen Trinley. Since legal proceedings between supporters of the two claimants have not reached a final conclusion, Thaye Dorje’s residence remains in Kalimpong for the time being.

On 25th March 2017, Thaye Dorje returned his monastic vows and married Sangyumla Rinchen Yangzom and, as of May 2018, the couple are expecting a child.


Karmapa Claimant #3: Ogyen Trinley Dorje

Ogyen Trinley Dorje

Ogyen Trinley Dorje, who is the 3rd Karmapa claimant, was born on 26th June 1985 to primarily nomadic parents in Lhatok Township, Chamdo County in the Tibet Autonomous Region of China. Given the birth name Apo Gaga, it is said that early on in his childhood, he announced to family members that he was the Karmapa.

When he was seven years old, he was identified and recognized as the 17th Karmapa by a search party led by Tai Situ Rinpoche. Tai Situ Rinpoche claimed to be following instructions that supposedly had been left to him by the previous Karmapa, in a prophetic letter that had been hidden in a ghau amulet box.

Ogyen Trinley was formally enthroned at Tsurphu Monastery, the monastic seat of the Karmapas in Tibet. Recognition also came from His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and the Chinese government, via an official sanction from the State Council of the People’s Republic of China which declared him to be “a living Buddha”.

This was the first time China’s Communist government officially confirmed a tulku. Just a year later, at the United Nations Human Rights Conference in Vienna, the Chinese government announced that they planned for Ogyen Trinley to undergo his monastic training in Tsurphu Monastery, to prepare him for his future role as the successor of the Dalai Lama.

However, at the age of 14, Ogyen Trinley escaped to India via Nepal and on 5th January 2000, he finally arrived at the Tibetan exiled leadership’s headquarters in Dharamsala, North India. Ogyen Trinley said that he left China because he was unable to obtain the teachings he needed to complete his studies and to realize his full spiritual authority and potential. Today, he primarily resides at Gyuto Monastery in Sidhbari, near Dharamsala.


The Karmapa and His Regents

Left to right: Milarepa, Marpa and Gampopa

The Kagyu tradition, literally “Oral Lineage”, is regarded as one of the main schools of Tibetan Buddhism. Founded by Marpa, Milarepa and Gampopa, known as “Mar-Mi-Dag Sum“, the central teaching of the Kagyu tradition is the doctrine of Mahamudra or “the Great Seal”. Over the years however, due to the proliferation of the teachings down the line of a number of important teachers, the early Kagyu tradition eventually gave rise to a number of independent sub-sects.

The principal Kagyu lineages that exist today as organized schools are the Drikung Kagyu, Drukpa Kagyu and Karma Kagyu sub-sects, amongst others. Each school has its own head. In the case of the Karma Kagyus for example, their school was founded by one of Gampopa’s main disciples Dusum Khyenpa, the 1st Karmapa Lama (1110–1193). Hence, the head of the Karma Kagyu school today is the Karmapa.

Within the Karma Kagyu tradition, the spiritual authority of the Karmapa is supported by the Four Karma Kagyu Regents. The first and senior-most regent is the Shamarpa, whose previous lives were responsible for the recognition and training of most of the Karmapa incarnations..Thus, the Shamarpa is traditionally charged with searching for and recognizing the Karmapa’s incarnations.

Next in rank is the Tai Situpa and while his incarnation line has been responsible for recognizing some previous incarnations of the Karmapa, especially when the Shamarpa was not available, he is not the main lama traditionally entrusted with this responsibility. Then, next in rank are Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche and Goshi Gyaltsab Rinpoche as the third and fourth regents respectively.


Recognizing the Karmapas

The Karmapa line of incarnations is unique in that the Karmapas are known to be self-identifying. Before a Karmapa passes away, he will compose prophetic letters that reveal the identity and location of his next incarnation, as well as the parents’ names. These letters are hidden and only revealed when the Karma Kagyu regents assemble a task force to search for the new incarnation. The letters are then opened in the presence of all four regents. Therefore, when Tai Situpa claimed that he was in possession of the 16th Karmapa’s prophetic letter, it attracted the attention of the Shamarpa, who requested to examine the letter and have it tested to verify its authenticity.

However, Tai Situpa refused and the letter was never shown to the Shamarpa nor was it ever tested. And despite the fact he has never been singularly responsible for identifying the Karmapa’s incarnations, Tai Situpa nevertheless used this unauthenticated letter as the basis to recognize his own claimant, Ogyen Trinley Dorje, for the 17th Karmapa’s throne.

Meanwhile, based on his own sources, the Shamarpa recognized his own claimant, Trinley Thaye Dorje, for the 17th Karmapa’s throne.

This two-way situation has been further complicated by the existence of a third claimant, Dawa Sangpo Dorje, who was recognized by Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche. However, since Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche passed away before Dawa Sangpo Dorje could be formally recognized, he has not received much support for his claim to be the 17th Karmapa.


The Meddling of the Tibetan Government in Exile

Jamgon Kongtrul Rinpoche

The existence of multiple Karmapa claimants was always going to cause divisions within the Karma Kagyu community, but things escalated after the involvement of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. Throughout history, the Dalai Lamas (who are Gelug) have never been involved in the recognition process of the Karmapas. It has always been a matter left to the Karma Kagyus, who identify and enthrone their own lineage head without input from or the participation of the Dalai Lama.

Once in exile, and with three claimants to the throne, things came to a head when the Dalai Lama gave his endorsement to one of the candidates. It was the politically-minded Tai Situpa who got the Dalai Lama to endorse his candidate, Ogyen Trinley Dorje, although theoretically the endorsement should not matter and traditionally, it never has. However, the endorsement swung popular opinion in the Tibetan exile community in favor of Ogyen Trinley Dorje.

After all, to most people unaware of the details of the Karmapa recognition process, whomever the Dalai Lama endorses must be the correct one, mustn’t it?

And so, the Dalai Lama’s endorsement became extremely problematic because it emboldened Tai Situpa’s supporters to become vocal in favor of their claimant, and violent against Shamar Rinpoche and his candidate Thaye Dorje. When Shamar Rinpoche approached the Dalai Lama to withdraw his endorsement, hoping that it would abate the violence stemming from Tai Situpa’s followers, the Dalai Lama claimed he could not retract his endorsement because it had already been given.

As a result, during Trinley Thaye Dorje’s enthronement, a group of monks stormed Rumtek Monastery. Throwing rocks and bricks, their aim was to disrupt the ceremony and oust monks who were supportive of the Shamarpa and Thaye Dorje.

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In the end, the police had to be called in to quell the violence. This violence took place despite the fact the legal guardians of the Karmapa’s trust had declared Thaye Dorje as their heir and he had every legal right to be on the premises.

In response to this incident, the Shamarpa alerted the Indian authorities to the fact Tai Situpa had organized a riot against Rumtek. With his strong ties to the Indian government, the Shamarpa managed to get Tai Situpa barred from entering India for five years.

Tai Situ Rinpoche

The only reason why Tai Situpa was able to instigate so much conflict is because he received the backing and endorsement of the Dalai Lama. In the Tibetan community, it is common knowledge that once a person receives the Dalai Lama’s support, everything they do is somehow approved. No matter how intolerable they become, or how divisive, violent or vulgar, because the Dalai Lama said they are okay, all of their actions become okay.

That is why Tai Situpa did not fear any repercussions for organizing the riot, because the Dalai Lama supports his candidate. That is why the anti-Dorje Shugden community do not fear any repercussions for the segregation, violence and vulgarities that they direct at Shugden practitioners, because the Dalai Lama encourages their anti-Shugden view. That is why Jonangpas have to go on hunger strike to win equal representation in the Tibetan parliament, because they have not won the Dalai Lama’s support and therefore have to fight in this manner.

Thus, in this way, the interference of the Tibetan leadership has led the Karma Kagyu world to become polarized between the two claimants to the Karmapa’s throne. Trapped in a tit-for-tat battle spanning decades, the Karma Kagyu school to this day is unable to resolve the opposing claims to the Karmapa’s throne. Tai Situpa exploited the Dalai Lama’s rank and popularity to lend credibility to his candidate, regardless of the fact the Dalai Lama is an outsider with no spiritual authority in Karma Kagyu matters.

There is no historical precedence of any Dalai Lama being involved in the recognition and enthronement of Karmapas, but this has not stopped the 14th Dalai Lama’s involvement. So it has actually reinforced the division within the Karma Kagyu school. The Dalai Lama and the Tibetan leadership promotes and invites Ogyen Trinley, and appears in photos and at events with him, all the while ignoring the other two claimants. This behavior sends a clear message for everyone to see who the Dalai Lama approves of and who he does not, and therefore who they should support.


The Real Reason the CTA is Dividing the Karma Kagyus

Perhaps the in-fighting within the Karma Kagyu school is actually desirable for the Tibetan leadership as it creates a diversion from the real problems plaguing Tibetan society – because everyone is fighting over who the ‘right’ Karmapa is, they are too distracted to question the Tibetan leadership over their many scandals and their failure to progress in any of their political goals.

Or perhaps the in-fighting is designed to ensure that the Dalai Lama remains unchallenged in his position and popularity, and that no other spiritual leader has a fanbase that can rival that of the Dalai Lama’s. With three claimants to the throne, each vying to wrest control of the Karma Kagyu lineage, there will be no one single Karmapa who can harness the support of the millions of Karma Kagyu practitioners worldwide, a possibility that the Tibetan leadership might find threatening to the Dalai Lama’s status.

After all, this is a story in which the Dalai Lama’s name appears far more than it should. Why is one of Tibet’s highest authorities consistently interfering in the religious affairs of another sect?

Karma Kagyu refuge tree

But could anyone have predicted that one of Tibet’s greatest treasures, the Karma Kagyu lineage, would one day find itself at this impasse? It was the 5th Karmapa Deshin Shegpa himself who saw this coming. Famous for a series of prophecies concerning his own future lives, the 5th Karmapa wrote,

“In the successive line of Karmapas, during the latter part of the 16th Karmapa’s life, and at the beginning of the 17th, the emanation of one who has broken Vajrayana vows, a lama who has the name of “Natha” will appear at this seat of Karma Gon.

By the effect and power of that wrong wish, the Karma Kagyu Lineage/Doctrine (will be) nearly destroyed at that time.

At that time, someone who has made wishes in the past, an emanation of Guru Padmasambhava’s mind/heart will appear from the west.

He has a circular line of moles on his chest and a wrathful temperament.

From his mouth come wrathful words, or the mantra of the wrathful deities.

He has a dark complexion and two eyes bulging, or prominently shaped.

That one (he) will defeat the emanation of the one who has violated the Vajrayana vows.

Through that person, the region of Tibet will be protected for some time, during which there will be some happiness like having a glimpse of the sun.”

Source: The Karmapa Prophecies by Sylvia Wong

This is understood to mean that the Karmapa’s 17th incarnation would have tremendous obstacles but this would eventually come to pass, and the incarnation would later emerge as the most powerful and beneficial Karmapa in spreading the Dharma far and wide. The 5th Karmapa’s predictions, however, ended with the 17th Karmapa, an indication that this current incarnation will be the last to bear the Karmapa name.

Predictions notwithstanding, was it really necessary for the Tibetan leadership to get involved and cause so much strife and division over the last two decades? Given the Dalai Lama’s recent comments about the Panchen Lama, it is possible that all three claimants may be genuine emanations of the Karmapa but the fact remains that it was never within the Tibetan leadership’s purview to interfere in the matter. And now that they have caused the damage, they continue to remain silent and do nothing to resolve it, choosing instead to add fuel to the fire and to watch the damaging results of their actions unfold.

It would be in the Tibetan leadership’s best interests to resolve the Karmapa situation, given that they can currently count the number of supporters they have on one hand. The Dalai Lama’s recent announcement regarding the Panchen Lama is one possible method; perhaps the Tibetan leadership might like to apply the same statement to the Karmapa claimants, and the Dalai Lama can start inviting them to his events and appearing in photos with them too. It is an idea that would certainly win whole swathes of Karma Kagyu practitioners back onto the Tibetan leadership’s side.

Regardless of whatever method the Tibetan leadership chooses, one thing is clear – at a time when vast changes are taking place in the world’s geopolitical landscape and the Tibetan leadership’s friends are in short supply, they are going to need all the supporters they can get.


Karmapa claimant seeks Ogyen Trinley tests

Click to enlarge (Source:


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  1. The Foreigners Registration Office (FRO) in Dharamsala refusing to accept Tibetan RCs (Registration Certificates) is yet another example of interference by the Central Tibetan Administration. Tibetans need this document to apply for an Indian passport. The CTA does not want to lose its grip on Tibetan refugees, as fewer refugees under their control means less foreign aid. That translates to less money that they can line their own pockets with.

    This is not the first time that the CTA has created problems for Tibetans who wish to apply for Indian citizenship. Last July, the CTA ordered all its departments to stop issuing NOC (No Objection Certificates) to Tibetans applying for Indian passports, effectively sabotaging India’s goodwill of offering citizenship to eligible Tibetans. Perhaps that is a reason why many Tibetans are leaving their settlements in India, some of them even returning to Tibet! The CTA’s days as a ‘government’ are numbered, as more and more Tibetans apply for Indian citizenship or leave the CTA’s influence in India altogether.
    No obstruction surrendering RC in Dehra Dun: Police
    Tibet Sun Newsroom
    McLEOD GANJ, India, 27 April 2018
    Tibetans living in Dehra Dun can surrender their Registration Certificates (RC) to apply for their passport, according to a communication from the Office of the Superintendent of Police Dehra Dun.
    Tibet Sun had learned about Tibetan complaints that the authorities were refusing to accept requests by Tibetans to surrender their RCs, required in order to apply for a passport. Seeking information about the matter, Tibet Sun filed a Right to Information (RTI) application, to which Dehra Dun Superintendent of Police Sarita Dobhal replied refuting the complaints.
    The SP said in her reply that they have not refused RC surrender by those Tibetans seeking Indian passport, and they have accepted RCs from seven Tibetans so far.
    Tibetans who spoke to Tibet Sun said that the authorities who actually handle the RC surrender at the Foreigners Registration Office (FRO) within the SP Office had told them to bring court orders to be able to surrender their RC.
    Following a High Court of Delhi judgment asking the Government of India to issue passport to Tibetans, the Ministry of External Affairs in March 2017 has ordered all passport-issuing authorities to issue passport to those Tibetans who fulfil the requirements as in the Citizenship Act of India.
    The RC surrender process has been suspended at the FRO Dharamshala. An official confirmed the same, saying the halt has been in place since two weeks, but didn’t give details as to why they have stopped the process.
    He said that it is a temporary matter and that the surrender process will resume soon.

    No obstruction surrendering RC in Dehra Dun

  2. The Dalai Lama Fears that He Might be Expelled from India!

    The situation in India is not getting better for the Tibetan government in-exile or the Dalai Lama. Since India is getting closer to China, this trend will not slow down. Whether it is the current Prime Minister Modi, or the next Prime Minister of India making efforts to get close to China, it does not matter because the momentum has started. It benefits both India and China tremendously to be friendly and on good terms with each other. The parasite-like Tibetans leeching off India brings no benefit whatsoever to India and India realizes this sad fact finally. The Dalai Lama and his team in the Tibetan government in-exile have created so many problems externally for India and internally within the Tibetan communities, enough is enough. Tibetans like to use India to irk China. They have done that for decades and now it’s over. The Tibetans have been put in their place. The Indian government has been snubbing the Dalai Lama this year. The Dalai Lama and his cohorts have created tremendous problems, segregation, hatred, and violence towards thousands of Dorje Shugden practitioners, now that karma is coming back. Too bad. The Tibetan leadership is losing support from India, in fact, Modi purposely humiliated the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama and cohorts have less power to create so much schism and trouble now. If you read this article carefully, the Dalai Lama himself has expressed concerns he might be kicked out of India. It has reached this level that the Dalai Lama is unsure of his footing in India now. Too bad.

    Aditya Sinha: Paying For Our Bull In A China Shop
    May 14, 2018, 07:40 IST | Aditya Sinha
    The Dalai Lama’s humiliation, our encircling neighbours and, most crucially, the lack of Modi’s signature bear hug, signify altered relations
    In the two days of staged photographs, there is not one photo of Modi hugging Xi, his trademark personalised diplomacy of forcibly embracing other leaders.
    One of the better things during the Karnataka Assembly election, no matter who emerges the single largest party tomorrow, was Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s press conference in Bangalore. You may not have seen it on TV. It is on YouTube, however. Rahul again comes across in a light different to the whispers about him during the past two decades, proving how it was all the doing of a well-oiled BJP machine. My favourite part was Rahul’s take on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Wuhan in central China for an “informal” summit with President Xi Jinping.
    Here’s what he said:
    “I expected the PM to go to China as the leader of our country [and] speak to them about Doklam… He didn’t say a word. [He] had a conversation with the Chinese President with no agenda. Are you telling me there’s no agenda? There is an agenda, it’s called Doklam; there is an agenda, it’s called the Maldives; there is an agenda, it’s called Nepal… The agenda is that we’re surrounded on all sides; it’s pretty clear. But you guys don’t like to raise that, I don’t know why.
    “Our foreign policy has been completely decimated. And it’s because the PM views foreign policy as an individual exercise. He’s of the impression that he can go have a conversation with the president of China, or he can go have a conversation with the president of Nepal, and everything will magically happen.
    “The PM needs to carry his own people with him. Are there any conversations going on with the finance minister, with the defence minister about this type of strategy? No. It’s a one-man show.”
    Briefly: China tried to seize the Doklam plateau in Bhutan last year but after a 73-day standoff against our troops, it backed down. It has reportedly since built an infrastructure leading to Doklam. In the Maldives, China is displacing India: President Abdulla Gameen last year welcomed three Chinese warships, and last month hosted the Pakistan army chief. In Nepal, despite Modi’s visit this weekend to promote Janakpur, Sita’s birthplace, as a religious tourism spot, the Nepalese have drifted from us after India’s five-month blockade in 2015 – we were pushing for greater political inclusion of the Madhesis. Modi is a villain for the Nepalese, as evident on social media.
    China has seized advantage of India’s pathetic neighbourhood behaviour, and, as Rahul said, has India surrounded. No wonder many think Modi went to beg Xi to keep relations calm in the run-up to the 2019 parliamentary election. That Modi’s governance is election-oriented is no secret. Will the Chinese will play ball? When the two-day “informal” summit ended, the Indian side issued a statement and reportedly urged the Chinese to issue their own. Compare the two and you see a difference: while India mentioned a strategic direction to our respective armies to avoid tension on the Line of Actual Control, China only said the armies would follow past protocols. Joint statements are never easy, but individual statements are a piece of cake.
    Modi had to supplicate himself because he cannot afford to go into the 2019 election after a showdown with China. Even a short skirmish will humiliate India. Unlike tension on the Line of Control with Pakistan, which benefits Modi since it can be dovetailed into communal rhetoric, tension with China gives Modi no benefit. Modi cannot help but humour China.
    The Chinese were amenable to being humoured since they have now what they wanted in Doklam. China nowadays also wants to be seen as a responsible global power: hence it has nudged North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un into meeting his South Korean counterpart and, next month, with Donald Trump. China has also reached out to Japan, with whom relations are more complicated than with India.
    Mainly, it was because Modi agreed to humiliate the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader who has lived in India since 1959. India prohibited its ministers from attending a Dalai Lama function (ironically, to thank India) and asked him to shift it from Delhi to his base in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh. It was an insult; worse, he privately expressed the fear that he might be expelled.
    The Chinese gave us time but they did not give Modi a hug. In the two days of staged photographs, there is not one photo of Modi hugging Xi, his trademark personalised diplomacy of forcibly embracing other leaders. Rahul Gandhi is right: Modi has decimated India’s foreign policy. It’s too bad that this and other aspects of his press conference were ignored by the TV media. But then, after Gujarat, Karnataka has been good practice for him. Modi’s obsession with the 2019 election means that governance will suffer, so Rahul will get more occasions to show the public his mettle.

    Aditya Sinha Paying For Our Bull In A China Shop

  3. More and more Tibetans are expressing their dissatisfaction with the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). This even extends to accusing them of ruling without legal precedence. This is a serious matter as their management of funds, administrative procedures, and even their governing constitution are all flawed. From the simple of choice of words used for the translation of a title, the CTA have exposed the way in which they run their “nationless government” in an egotistical and self-serving manner. The CTA simply do things based on their personal agendas and needs, using the title of democracy as a cover.

    Clearly, there is no system of governance for what the CTA do and how they spend the money they gain from people sympathetic to the Tibetan plight, aid from their host and donors from around the world. Since law is at the core of any administration, their underhanded tactic of finding loopholes and bending the rules to suit their individual needs has failed the Tibetan people. As an ex-Senior Fellow of Harvard Law School and a self-proclaimed expert in international human rights law, Sangay deters people’s faith in the integrity of a leader and the legal system, instead of upholding the cause of justice. After the public apology during his swearing in ceremony in 2016 and his firm pledge not to repeat his misconduct, it looks like Sangay is at it again.

    The title “President” for Sikyong is not legal
    By Sharchok Khukta
    McLEOD GANJ, India, 14 May 2018
    Since there have been many who have put forth questions regarding the usage of the title “President” in English for “Sikyong”, I will answer in one presentation for all.
    It would become a long talk to give answer as regards this. Nonetheless, because, to keep the public in the dark is objected to in a democratic system, I will try to present insight that is complete and not mistaken.
    Initially, the exile Tibetan Parliament had established through general consensus that the title “Sikyong” is to be used instead of “Kalon Tripa”. In connection with that a resolution was passed by the members of the 15th Tibetan Parliament-in-exile during the fourth sitting of the second session on 21 September 2012, that “Sikyong” solely is to be used in writing, as phonetically, without the need for using the translation “Political Leader”.
    The first stage of this process took place with the publication in 2015 of a compilation of rules and regulations of the exile Tibetan administration by the office of the Parliamentary Secretary of the Tibetan people’s deputies, where it appears on page 181 in Appendix 8 [Zur-hzar nya], of sub-section 3 of article 66 of the electoral rules of the exile Tibetans.
    Then, on 26 April 2016, the exile Tibetan administration made the announcement on its official website that “when the term ‘sikyong’ is to be translated into English it should be written as “president”, and that has been used up to the present day.
    It is the honourable Kashag which says that “it was established [formally decided] that ‘president’ is to be the term to be used,” and the honourable Kashag claim that they had decided thus on the advice of His Holiness Dalai Lama. The Kashag had cited many other reasons, but I will not refer to them at this time. Everyone knows that at that time there was much expression of displeasure regarding this from the public.
    In the second stage, as regards the usage “President” there was guidance by His Holiness the Dalai Lama at the reception ceremony accorded to the high-level Representatives’ Committee of the United States, at Tsuklagkhang Temple on 10 May 2017.
    The third stage is that the Kashag have, both orally and in writing, said insistently that such guidance by His Holiness the Dalai Lama was as per the provision of Article 1 of the Charter of the Tibetans in exile. I am not able to know whether His Holiness the Dalai Lama has advised thus as the intent of Article 1 of the Charter. I do not consider that to be case, because if there had been the guidance advising “President” to be appropriate for the title of Sikyong, as per Article 1, then even after 25 famous amendments to the Charter such a guidance would have a procedure of discussion in the Parliament, as in the past, a procedure that has been clearly laid out.
    It has been laid out in the sub-section 1 and 2 of Article 17 of clause 6 of the rules for procedure of meeting and carrying out of works by the the deputies of the Tibetan Parliament. For example, to cite the sub-section 1: “As per the sub-section 2 of Article 1 of the charter, the Speaker, in discussion with Sikyong, is to set aside time for discussion on the suggestion of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.” But, without going through any recommendation from the Parliament or legal process, the Kashag said that the title in English as “President” has been decided on and designated as such, and they continue to use this title. As such that title has not became legal title. That is stage three.
    Then, the fourth stage is that it may be assumed that the Sikyong and the Kashag continue to do so as it is known clearly only by most government service personnel, former and present, and People’s Deputies, former and present. Yet since the public do not know the details, when we put forth questions on the this issue in the Parliament it may be conjectured that it is an electoral grudge. Besides, when the honourable Sikyong also talks of it to the public by attaching it to electoral grudge, we are not able to have at the matter a valid rule by law. Instead everything is stirred here and there into dirty politics, so that eventually when there is too much dwelling on personal name and prestige, the common administration incurs losses.
    If things go on like this there is the danger of the collapse of rule by law. From that point of view, for this issue to be clearly sorted out, the Secretaries of Gadhen Phodang must make it clear whether or not that guidance — as per Article 1 of the Charter — was given by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. If it was, since it would be related with the rules, the messages, advice, notice and so on be bestowed to the Parliament, and then whatever is to be established (passed as resolution) by the Parliament when implemented by all the central and regional branches of the administration, it would become concordant with the law.
    So that is the issue if explained clearly.
    In the end, nowadays at Gangchen Kyishong the administration relies upon one person and makes changes to the Rules; while there are able staff members in all sorts of appointments, through equal qualifications and pledges, and so on; such instances are taking place many times, not just once. In such a situation it appears that there is not sufficient supervision and watching, by the public and writers, of whether or not this Administration — set up with such effort by His Holiness the Dalai Lama — is being administered by rule of law.
    I request all to put more effort and power as regarding this issue.

    The title President for Sikyong is not legal

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.…Instead of turning away people who practise Dorje Shugden, we should be kind to them. Give them logic and wisdom without fear, then in time they give up the ‘wrong’ practice. Actually Shugden practitioners are not doing anything wrong. But hypothetically, if they are, wouldn’t it be more Buddhistic to be accepting? So those who have views against Dorje Shugden should contemplate this. Those practicing Dorje Shugden should forbear with extreme patience, fortitude and keep your commitments. The time will come as predicted that Dorje Shugden’s practice and it’s terrific quick benefits will be embraced by the world and it will be a practice of many beings.

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