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Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« on: March 18, 2008, 08:45:27 PM »
Dear friends,
1.I found this on you tube very interesting. It was clip of dalai lama proposal of sticks.
address is:
Small | Large

Must see it and comment.

2.Hey! Chinese Premier hold big conference yesterday and blame Dalai Lama. Even they said to possessed many evidences and proof of his involvement. After that this morning,Dalai lama hold press conference in Dharamsala. He was completely frustrated and angry over chinese accusation in recent tibet riots. He told that he would resign as leader of exile Tibetan government if people did not stop the protests. here reuters news in this evening but it was reedited. This morning in reuters also cited that Dalai lama asked to interrogate in his involvement by searching files in office and also check his pulse, urine and stool.
Even CNN;BBC, REUTERS and all other major independent news channel are covering up Dalai Lama talks.
So, It is sure that with Dorje Shugden Issue will be also suppressed in this way by those channel. Therefore also write them to acknowledge their wrong doing to prevent further such incidents.

Dalai Lama calls for end to violence in Tibet
Tue Mar 18, 2008 4:07pm EDT 

BEIJING (Reuters) - The Dalai Lama said on Tuesday he would step down as head of Tibet's government-in-exile if that would stop bloodshed in his homeland, but China repeated its charge that he was the mastermind of a violent uprising.

His officials, based in the Indian Himalayan foothills, said they believed 99 people had died in clashes between Chinese security forces and Tibetans over the past week, including 19 on Tuesday alone.

Chinese state-run media said more than 100 people had given themselves up to police after taking part in Tibet's most intense unrest against Chinese rule for nearly two decades.

Baima Chilin, vice chairman of the Chinese-run government of Tibet, said they had been "participants, and some were directly involved in beating, smashing, looting and arson".

Authorities had set a Monday midnight deadline for rioters to hand themselves in or face tougher punishment if caught.

Premier Wen Jiabao defended the crackdown on Lhasa, capital of the mainly Buddhist mountain region, and on ethnic Tibetan areas of neighboring provinces where protests have erupted.

"There is ample fact and plenty of evidence proving this incident was organized, premeditated, masterminded and incited by the Dalai clique," Wen told a news conference in Beijing.

"This has all the more revealed the consistent claims by the Dalai clique that they pursue not independence but peaceful dialogue are nothing but lies."


The Dalai Lama, who fled Tibet in 1959 after a failed uprising against Chinese rule, denied the charges and said he would quit as political leader of the exiled Tibetan movement if the violence got out of hand.

"Please help stop violence from Chinese side and also from Tibetan side," the Nobel peace laureate told a news conference in Dharamsala, northern India. "If things become out of control then my only option is to completely resign."

He has said he cannot give up his role as Dalai Lama, the reincarnated spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism. He says he does not seek independence for Tibet but wants autonomy within China, which sent troops into the region in 1950.

After days of anti-China protests led by monks, the unrest in Lhasa turned violent on Friday.

Mobs attacked non-Tibetan Chinese in the streets and set fire to shops and cars, in scenes sure to horrify a Chinese Communist leadership anxious to present an image of national harmony in the build-up to the Beijing Olympics.

The Dalai Lama's spokesman Tenzin Taklha said the rioting had spread fast. "This was very spontaneous," he said.

U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Thomas Christensen told a U.S. Congressional advisory panel hearing Washington had seen no evidence rioting was orchestrated by the Dalai Lama.


There have been reports of further demonstrations this week. An exiled rights group, the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, said on its Web site ( on Tuesday that 30 people had been arrested after protesting near Lhasa.

The group also reported three small protests and a massive military presence in Litang, an ethnic Tibetan town in Sichuan province, next to Tibet. Litang has seen unrest in the past.

Reuters was unable to confirm the reports. Phone calls to officials were not answered and foreign media are barred from traveling to Tibet without permission.

Chinese authorities have said security forces exercised restraint in Lhasa, using only non-lethal weapons, and that just 13 "innocent civilians" died.

Wen said the protesters "wanted to incite the sabotage of the Olympic Games in order to achieve their unspeakable goal".

The rights group Reporters Without Borders urged officials to boycott the Olympic opening ceremony in August over the "brutal repression" in Tibet. "Let's consider it," French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner told a news conference.

No government has called for a boycott of the Games themselves. But in Taiwan, presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou of the opposition Nationalists told reporters he would consider an Olympic boycott if elected on Saturday.

The International Tibet Support Network handed a letter to the International Olympic Committee in Lausanne calling for the route of the torch relay carrying the Olympic flame to be changed to avoid Tibet and three neighboring provinces.

In Brussels, a demonstrator was injured and four were detained when exiled Tibetans tried to force their way into China's mission to the European Union, police said. About 100 people protested in front of the Norwegian parliament.

Chinese authorities said they believed a March 7 "terrorist" incident, in which a flight to Beijing from the restive Xinjiang region had to cut short its journey, was a failed attack by separatists based abroad, state media reported.

Militant ethnic Uighurs in Xinjiang, neighboring Tibet, have long agitated for an independent "East Turkestan" for their largely Muslim people. Exiled Uighurs have said China concocted the March 7 case to justify intense controls on Uighurs.

(Additional reporting by Benjamin Kang Lim and Guo Shipeng in Beijing, Jonathan Allen in Dharamsala, Marine Hass in Brussels, Paul Eckert in Washington and Francois Murphy in Paris; writing by John Chalmers; editing by Andrew Roche)

© Reuters 2008 All rights reserved


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #1 on: March 23, 2008, 08:21:08 AM »

Chinese beaten mercilessly - tourists
Article from: Agence France-Presse

By Sam Taylor in Kathmandu

March 18, 2008 11:39pm

RAMPAGING Tibetan youths stoned and beat Chinese
people in the Tibetan capital and set ablaze stores
but now calm has returned after a military clampdown,
say tourists emerging from the Himalayan region.

"It was an explosion of anger against the Chinese and
Muslims by the Tibetans,'' 19-year-old Canadian John
Kenwood said, describing an orgy of violence that
swept the ancient city of Lhasa.

Mr Kenwood and other tourists, who arrived by plane in
Nepal's capital Kathmandu yesterday, witnessed the
unrest, which reached a climax on Friday when they
said Han Chinese as well as Muslims were targeted.

They described scenes in which mobs relentlessly beat
and kicked ethnic Han Chinese, whose influx into the
region has been blamed by Tibetans for altering its
unique culture and way of life.

Mr Kenwood said he saw four or five Tibetan men on
Friday "mercilessly'' stoning and kicking a Chinese

"Eventually they got him on the ground, they were
hitting him on the head with stones until he lost

"I believe that young man was killed,'' Mr Kenwood
said, but added he could not be sure.

He said he saw no Tibetan deaths.

Tibet's government-in-exile said yesterday that the
"confirmed'' Tibetan death toll from more than a week
of unrest was 99.

China has said "13 innocent civilians'' died and that
it used no lethal force to subdue the rioting.
The Tibetans "were throwing stones at anything that
drove by", Mr Kenwood said.

"The young people were involved and the old people
were supporting by screaming - howling like wolves.
Everyone who looked Chinese was attacked,'' said
25-year-old Swiss tourist Claude Balsiger.

"They attacked an old Chinese man on a bicycle. They
hit his head really hard with stones (but) some old
Tibetan people went into the crowd to make them
stop,'' he said.

Mr Kenwood recounted another brave rescue when a
Chinese man was pleading for mercy from rock-wielding

"They were kicking him in the ribs and he was bleeding
from the face,'' he said. "But then a white man walked
up... helped him up from the ground. There was a crowd
of Tibetans holding stones, he held the Chinese man
close, waved his hand at the crowd and they let him
lead the man to safety.''

Reacting to the tourists' accounts, Thubten Samphel, a
spokesman for the Tibetan government-in-exile in the
northern Indian hill town of Dharamshala, called the
violence "very tragic".

The Tibetans "have been told to keep their struggle
non-violent,'' he said.

The unrest began after Tibetans marked on March 10 the
49th anniversary of their failed uprising against
Chinese rule in 1959. Then, Tibet's Buddhist spiritual
leader the Dalai Lama trekked through the Himalayas
and crossed into India, making Dharamshala a base
after the revolt.

By last Saturday, Chinese security forces had locked
down the Tibetan capital.

The Chinese military ordered tourists to stay in their
hotels from where they said they could hear gunfire
and tear gas shells exploding.

On Monday the tourists were allowed some movement but
had to show their passports at frequent checkpoints.

"Shops were all burnt out - all the merchandise was on
the street in a bonfire. Many buildings were gutted,''
said Serge Lachapelle, a tourist from Montreal in

"The Muslim district was entirely destroyed - every
store was destroyed,'' said Mr Kenwood.



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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #2 on: March 23, 2008, 08:23:51 AM »
 BEIJING, China (CNN) -- James Miles, of The
Economist, has just returned from Lhasa, Tibet. The
following is a transcript of an interview he gave to

James Miles

Q. How easy was it for you to see what you wanted to

A. Well remarkably so, given that the authorities are
normally extremely sensitive about the presence of
foreign journalists when this kind of incident occurs.
I was expecting all along that they were going to call
me up and tell me to leave Lhasa immediately. I think
what restrained them from doing that, one very
important factor in this, was the thoughts of the
Olympic Games that are going to be staged in Beijing
in August. And they have been going out of their way
to convince the rest of the world that China is
opening up in advance of this. I think they probably
didn't want me there but they knew that I was there
with official permission, and one thing they've been
trying to get across over the last few months is that
journalists based in Beijing can now get around the
country more freely than they could before. Of course
Tibet is a special example. I've been a journalist in
China now for 15 years altogether. This is the first
time that I've ever got official approval to go to
Tibet. And it's remarkable I think that they decided
to let me stay there and probably they felt that it
was a bit of a gamble. But as the protests went on I
think they also probably felt that having me there
would help to get across the scale of the
ethnically-targeted violence that the Chinese
themselves have also been trying to highlight.

Q. What you say you saw corroborates the official
version. What exactly did you see?

A. What I saw was calculated targeted violence against
an ethnic group, or I should say two ethnic groups,
primarily ethnic Han Chinese living in Lhasa, but also
members of the Muslim Hui minority in Lhasa. And the
Huis in Lhasa control much of the meat industry in the
city. Those two groups were singled out by ethnic
Tibetans. They marked those businesses that they knew
to be Tibetan owned with white traditional scarves.
Those businesses were left intact. Almost every single
other across a wide swathe of the city, not only in
the old Tibetan quarter, but also beyond it in areas
dominated by the ethnic Han Chinese. Almost every
other business was either burned, looted, destroyed,
smashed into, the property therein hauled out into the
streets, piled up, burned. It was an extraordinary
outpouring of ethnic violence of a most unpleasant
nature to watch, which surprised some Tibetans
watching it. So they themselves were taken aback at
the extent of what they saw. And it was not just
targeted against property either. Of course many
ethnic Han Chinese and Huis fled as soon as this broke
out. But those who were caught in the early stages of
it were themselves targeted. Stones thrown at them. At
one point, I saw them throwing stones at a boy of
maybe around 10 years old perhaps cycling along the
street. I in fact walked out in front of them and said
stop. It was a remarkable explosion of simmering
ethnic grievances in the city.

Q. Did you see other weapons?

A. I saw them carrying traditional Tibetan swords, I
didn't actually see them getting them out and
intimidating people with them. But clearly the purpose
of carrying them was to scare people. And speaking
later to ethnic Han Chinese, that was one point that
they frequently drew attention to. That these people
were armed and very intimidating.

Q. There was an official response to this. In some
reporting, info coming from Tibetan exiles, there was
keenness to report it as Tiananmen.

A. Well the Chinese response to this was very
interesting. Because you would expect at the first
sings of any unrest in Lhasa, which is a city on a
knife-edge at the best of times. That the response
would be immediate and decisive. That they would
cordon off whatever section of the city involved, that
they would grab the people involved in the unrest. In
fact what we saw, and I was watching it at the
earliest stages, was complete inaction on the part of
the authorities. It seemed as if they were paralyzed
by indecision over how to handle this. The rioting
rapidly spread from Beijing Road, this main central
thoroughfare of Lhasa, into the narrow alleyways of
the old Tibetan quarter. But I didn't see any attempt
in those early hours by the authorities to intervene.
And I suspect again the Olympics were a factor there.
That they were very worried that if they did move in
decisively at that early stage of the unrest that
bloodshed would ensue in their efforts to control it.
And what they did instead was let the rioting run its
course and it didn't really finish as far as I saw
until the middle of the day on the following day on
the Saturday, March the 15th. So in effect what they
did was sacrifice the livelihoods of many, many ethnic
Han Chinese in the city for the sake of letting the
rioters vent their anger. And then being able to move
in gradually with troops with rifles that they
occasionally let off with single shots, apparently
warning shots, in order to scare everybody back into
their homes and put an end to this.

Q. Would be false to suggest there was heavy-handed
security approach?

A. Well this was covering a vast area of the city and
I was the only foreign journalist, at least
accredited, to ... who was there to witness this. It
was impossible to get a total picture. I did hear
persistent rumors while I was there during this
rioting of isolated clashes between the security
forces and rioters. And rumors of occasional bloodshed
involved in that. But I can do no more really on the
basis of what I saw then say there was a probability
that some ethnic Chinese were killed in this violence,
and also a probability that some Tibetans, Tibetan
rioters themselves were killed by members of the
security forces. But it's impossible to get the kind
of numbers or real first hand evidences necessary to
back that up.

Q. Form any sense of where it would go from here?

A. Well I think they now have a huge problem on their
hands. When I left Lhasa yesterday the city was still
in a state of effectively Martial Law. They've been
bending over backwards this time not to declare
martial law as they did in 1989 after the last major
outbreak of anti-Chinese unrest in Lhasa. This time
they have not used that term and yet the conditions
now in Lhasa are pretty much the same as they were in
1989 under martial law. Officials say there are no
soldiers, no members of the People's Liberation Army
involved in this security operation. And yet I saw
numerous, many military vehicles, military looking
vehicles with telltale license plates covered up or
removed. And also many troops there whose uniforms
were distinctly lacking in the usual insignia of
either the police or the riot police. So my very, very
strong suspicion is that the army is out there and is
in control in Lhasa. And removing that security given
the way Tibetans are now focusing on the Olympics as a
window of opportunity, removing that security now I
think would be something they would be very, very
cautious about. And yet there are enormous pressures
on them to do so. Coming up to the Olympic torch
carrying ceremony in Lhasa in June. That is one
obvious event they will want the world to see and they
will want the world to see that Lhasa is normal. But I
think getting to that stage will be enormously tricky
given the depth of feeling in Lhasa itself among

Q. Did you actually see clashes between security
forces and Tibetan protesters?

A. Well what I saw and at this stage, the situation
around my hotel which was right in the middle of the
old Tibetan quarter, was very tense indeed and quite
dangerous so it was difficult for me to freely walk
around the streets. But what I saw was small groups of
Tibetans, and this was on the second day of the
protests, throwing stones towards what I assumed to
be, and they were slightly out of vision, members of
the security forces. I would hear and indeed smell
occasional volleys of Tear gas fired back. There
clearly was a small scale clash going on between
Tibetans and the security forces. But on the second
day things had calmed down generally compared with the
huge rioting that was going on...on the Friday. And
the authorities were responding to these occasional
clashes with Tibetans not by moving forward rapidly
with either riot police and truncheons and shields, or
indeed troops with rifles. But for a long time, just
with occasional, with the very occasional round of
tear gas, which would send and I could see this,
people scattering back into these very, very, narrow
and winding alleyways. What I did not hear was
repeated bursts of machine gun fire, I didn't have
that same sense of an all out onslaught of massive
firepower that I sensed here in Beijing when I was
covering the crushing of the Tiananmen Square protests
in June, 1989. This was a very different kind of
operation, a more calculated one, and I think the
effort of the authorities this time was to let people
let off steam before establishing a very strong
presence with troops, with guns, every few yards, all
across the Tibetan quarter. It was only when they felt
safe I think that there would not be massive
bloodshed, that they actually moved in with that
decisive force.

Q. At time you left, were Han Chinese moving freely

A. There were some on the Saturday morning. On the
second day we came back to the shops and I saw them
picking through the wreckage, tears in their eyes.
They were astonished, as I was, at the lack of any
security presence on the previous day. It was only
during the night at the end of the first day that this
cordon was established around the old Tibetan quarter.
But even within it, for several hours afterwards,
people were still free to continue looting and setting
fires, and the authorities were still standing back.
And it was only as things fizzled out towards the
middle of the second day that as I say they moved in
in great numbers. Ethnic Chinese in Lhasa are now very
worried people. Some who had been there for many, many
years expressed to me their utter astonishment that
this had happened. They had no sense of great ethnic
tension being a part of life in Lhasa. Now numerous
Hans that I spoke to say that they are so afraid they
may leave the city, which may have very damaging
consequences for Lhasa's economy, Tibet's economy. Of
course one would expect that ethnic Chinese would
think twice now about coming into Lhasa for tourism,
and that's been a huge part of their economic growth
recently. And leaving Lhasa, I was sitting on a plane
next to some Chinese businessmen, they say that they
would normally come in and out of Lhasa by train. But
their fear now is that Tibetans will blow up the
railway line. That it is now actually safer to fly out
of Tibet than to go by railway. We have no evidence of
Terrorist activity by Tibetans, no accusation of that
nature so far. But that is a fear that's haunting some
ethnic Han Chinese now.

Q. When you were told to leave, what were you told?

A. Well I had an 8-day permit to be in Lhasa. That
permit began two days before the rioting, on March 12,
and was due to run out on March 19. My official
schedule was basically abandoned after a couple days
of this. Many of the places on my official itinerary
turned out to be hotspots in the middle of this
unrest. They left me to my own devices. I was stopped
by the police at one point, taken to a police station.
They made a few phone calls and then let me go back
out on the streets full of troops and police carrying
out the security crackdown. They insisted however that
when my permit did expire on the 19th that I had to
leave. I asked for an extension and they said
decisively no.

Q. So you weren't expelled? It just ran out?

A. Well we're in a gray area here. Because in theory
China has been opened up to foreign journalists since
January 2007, which means no longer, which was the
case before, do we have to apply for provincial level
government approval every time we leave Beijing for
reporting. The official regulations don't mention
Tibet. But orally, officials have made it clear that
Tibet is an exception to these new Olympic rules and
journalists who have made their own way there,
unofficially, both before this unrest and during it
have been caught or ... and expelled. Or those who
have succeeded in making it out without being detected
have been criticized by the authorities for doing so.
So one could argue that yes I was expelled, if one
looks at the regulations they've announced which one
could interpret as meaning we have the freedom to be
where we like. But in their interpretation, Tibet is
an exception and in their view they were being rather
liberal towards me by letting run to the end of my
official permit.

Q. Is Dalai behind this?

A. Well we didn't see any evidence of any organized
activity, at least there was nothing in what I sensed
and saw during those couple of days of unrest in
Lhasa, there was anything organized behind it. And
I've seen organized unrest in China. The Tiananmen
Square protests in 1989 involved numerous
organizations spontaneously formed by people in
Beijing to oppose, or to call for more reform and
demand democracy. We didn't see that in Lhasa. There
were no organizations there that ... certainly none
that labeled themselves as such. These accusations
against what they call the Dalai Lama clique, are
ritual parts of the political rhetoric in Tibet. There
is a constant background rhetoric directed at the
Dalai Lama and his supporters in India. So it is not
at all surprising that they would repeat that
particular accusation in this case. But they haven't
come across, haven't produced any evidence of this
whatsoever. And I think it's more likely that what we
saw was yes inspired by a general desire of Tibetans
both inside Tibet and among the Dalai Lama's
followers, to take advantage of this Olympic year. But
also inspired simply by all these festering grievances
on the ground in Lhasa.


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #3 on: March 23, 2008, 08:35:04 AM »

He May Be a God, but He’s No Politician
NEARLY a decade ago, while staying with a nomad family
in the remote grasslands of northeastern Tibet, I
asked Namdrub, a man who fought in the anti-Communist
resistance in the 1950s, what he thought about the
exiled Tibetans who campaigned for his freedom.
 “It may make them feel good, but for us, it makes
life worse,” he replied. “It makes the Chinese create
more controls over us. Tibet is too important to the
Communists for them even to discuss independence.”

Protests have spread across the Tibetan plateau over
the last two weeks, and at least 100 people have died.
Anyone who finds it odd that Speaker Nancy Pelosi has
rushed to Dharamsala, India, to stand by the Dalai
Lama’s side fails to realize that American politics
provided an important spark for the demonstrations.
Last October, when the Congressional Gold Medal was
awarded to the Dalai Lama, monks in Tibet watched over
the Internet and celebrated by setting off fireworks
and throwing barley flour. They were quickly arrested.

It was for the release of these monks that
demonstrators initially turned out this month. Their
brave stand quickly metamorphosed into a protest by
Lhasa residents who were angry that many economic
advantages of the last 10 or 15 years had gone to Han
Chinese and Hui Muslims. A young refugee whose family
is still in Tibet told me this week of the medal,
“People believed that the American government was
genuinely considering the Tibet issue as a priority.”
In fact, the award was a symbolic gesture, arranged
mostly to make American lawmakers feel good.

A similar misunderstanding occurred in 1987 when the
Dalai Lama was denounced by the Chinese state media
for putting forward a peace proposal on Capitol Hill.
To Tibetans brought up in the Communist system — where
a politician’s physical proximity to the leadership on
the evening news indicates to the public that he is in
favor — it appeared that the world’s most powerful
government was offering substantive political backing
to the Dalai Lama. Protests began in Lhasa, and
martial law was declared. The brutal suppression that
followed was orchestrated by the party secretary in
Tibet, Hu Jintao, who is now the Chinese president.
His response to the current unrest is likely to be
equally uncompromising.

The Dalai Lama is a great and charismatic spiritual
figure, but a poor and poorly advised political
strategist. When he escaped into exile in India in
1959, he declared himself an admirer of Mahatma
Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance. But Gandhi took huge
gambles, starting the Salt March and starving himself
nearly to death — a very different approach from the
Dalai Lama’s “middle way,” which concentrates on
nonviolence rather than resistance. The Dalai Lama has
never really tried to use direct action to leverage
his authority.

At the end of the 1980s, he joined forces with
Hollywood and generated huge popular support for the
Tibetan cause in America and Western Europe. This
approach made some sense at the time. The Soviet Union
was falling apart, and many people thought China might
do the same. In practice, however, the campaign
outraged the nationalist and xenophobic Chinese

It has been clear since the mid-1990s that the popular
internationalization of the Tibet issue has had no
positive effect on the Beijing government. The
leadership is not amenable to “moral pressure,” over
the Olympics or anything else, particularly by the
nations that invaded Iraq.

The Dalai Lama should have closed down the Hollywood
strategy a decade ago and focused on back-channel
diplomacy with Beijing. He should have publicly
renounced the claim to a so-called Greater Tibet,
which demands territory that was never under the
control of the Lhasa government. Sending his envoys to
talk about talks with the Chinese while simultaneously
encouraging the global pro-Tibet lobby has achieved

When Beijing attacks the “Dalai clique,” it is
referring to the various groups that make Chinese
leaders lose face each time they visit a Western
country. The International Campaign for Tibet, based
in Washington, is now a more powerful and effective
force on global opinion than the Dalai Lama’s outfit
in northern India. The European and American pro-Tibet
organizations are the tail that wags the dog of the
Tibetan government-in-exile.

These groups hate criticism almost as much as the
Chinese government does. Some use questionable
information. For example, the Free Tibet Campaign in
London (of which I am a former director) and other
groups have long claimed that 1.2 million Tibetans
have been killed by the Chinese since they invaded in
1950. However, after scouring the archives in
Dharamsala while researching my book on Tibet, I found
that there was no evidence to support that figure. The
question that Nancy Pelosi and celebrity advocates
like Richard Gere ought to answer is this: Have the
actions of the Western pro-Tibet lobby over the last
20 years brought a single benefit to the Tibetans who
live inside Tibet, and if not, why continue with a
failed strategy?

I first visited Tibet in 1986. The economic plight of
ordinary people is slightly better now, but they have
as little political freedom as they did two decades
ago. Tibet lacks genuine autonomy, and ethnic Tibetans
are excluded from positions of real power within the
bureaucracy or the army. Tibet was effectively a
sovereign nation at the time of the Communist invasion
and was in full control of its own affairs.
But the battle for Tibetan independence was lost 49
years ago when the Dalai Lama escaped into exile. His
goal, and that of those who want to help the Tibetan
people, should be to negotiate realistically with the
Chinese state. The present protests, supported from
overseas, will bring only more suffering. China is not
a democracy, and it will not budge. — New York Times

Patrick French is the author of “Tibet, Tibet: A
Personal History of a Lost Land.”



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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #4 on: March 23, 2008, 09:15:07 AM »
After week of rioting, Tibet now calm

China takes control of capital, sets midnight deadline
for protesters to turn themselves in
By Ching-Ching Ni

Article Launched: 03/18/2008 03:03:05 AM PDT

BEIJING -- A Chinese shopkeeper in Tibet's capital
came out of hiding Monday for the first time since
mobs ransacked his herb store last week during the
biggest uprising against the region's Chinese rulers
in nearly two decades.

Ma Zhonglong, 20, said he had had nothing but a few
packets of instant noodles to eat since he ran for
cover Friday when he saw hundreds of Tibetans smash
and burn storefronts near the Jokhang Temple, the
religious and geographical heart of Lhasa, the Tibetan

"I went outside and saw people fighting on the
street," Ma said in a telephone interview. "I hurried
back and closed the door. Through the glass window I
could see the mob rushing toward me. They carried
knives, stones, sticks. I ran further back into this
courtyard to hide. Outside I could hear them smashing

On Monday morning, as Ma emerged and found his store
in ruins and expensive herbs looted, the Chinese
government had taken control of Lhasa and ordered all
rioters to turn themselves in by midnight or face
serious consequences.

A calm descended on the Tibetan capital Monday after a
week of protests that turned violent and spread to two
nearby provinces. Even Beijing, the Chinese capital
saw demonstrations, with dozens of students at the
Central University for Nationalities gathered for a
candlelight vigil under the heavy security presence.

Chinese authorities, weary of bad publicity in the
run-up to the Summer Olympics in Beijing in August and
to avoid any reminder of the violent crackdown on
pro-democracy student protests at Tiananmen Square in
1989, offered a portrait of official restraint during
the effort to restore order.

Qiangba Puncog, the head of the Tibet regional
government and who was in Beijing on Monday attending
the annual meeting of China's parliament, denied that
soldiers used lethal weapons or excess force. Rioters,
he said, set fire to more than 300 homes and shops,
leaving at least 13 civilians burned or stabbed to
death and 61 police officers injured.

Aides to the Dalai Lama, Tibet's exiled spiritual
leader, have put the death toll at 80. There was no
independent way to verify the conflicting tolls
because Beijing forbids foreigners from visiting Tibet
without official permission.

Witnesses say that Lhasa had been turned into a war
zone, with both sides suffering casualties.

"I saw mayhem everywhere: Tibetans throwing rocks,
setting fires, people running scared like cats and
dogs," said a 27-year-old migrant worker from Sichuan
province, who was told to stay home by his employer.
"The Tibetans were looking for Han Chinese to kill,
adults and children.

"Somebody told me they hung these Chinese schoolboys
on the beams inside the Jokhang Temple, to protest, I
guess," said the migrant worker, who requested
anonymity and, like other Chinese in Lhasa, was
interviewed by telephone.

"It was very scary," said a 40-year-old Chinese man
who works in a car dealership with an office near the
Jokhang temple. "There was fire and killing
everywhere. When peace and stability is gone, ordinary
people suffer."

Authorities blamed the violence on a "small clique" of
Dalai Lama supporters who the government says
instigated chaos to put China in a bad light ahead of
the Olympics. The Nobel laureate, who fled Tibet in
1959 after a failed uprising and runs an exile
government in India, has denied any role in inciting
the violence.

China's critics blame the unrest and the underlying
ethnic tension on what they call the Communist
regime's long-standing policy of cultural and economic
strangulation, which they say has pushed Tibetans to
the breaking point.

As a result, the Tibetans and Chinese keep mostly to
themselves, reinforcing the ethnic divide and
simmering tensions.

"It's normal for the Tibetans to hate the Chinese. You
are on their turf, of course they hate you," said the
27-year-old migrant worker from Sichuan.

Zhaxi Duoji is a Tibetan who runs the Tibet Cafe and
Inn in southwestern China's Yunnan province. He
organizes regular tours to Tibet but had to put them
on hold since the disturbances began.

"I am a Tibetan, and I think what is happening in
Lhasa is terrible. I can say 90 percent of ordinary
Tibetans are opposed to this kind of violence," he
said in fluent Mandarin, adding that he is a Buddhist
and not a Communist Party member.

"The Chinese government's policy on Tibet is
improving," he said. "Every country has a minority of
people who want to go back to the past. That's based
on ignorance. Many Tibetans are disadvantaged because
they don't speak Mandarin, can't express themselves
and are easily taken advantage of by other people."

It remains to be seen how hard Beijing will clamp down
on the protesters today after the deadline for turning
themselves in. Meanwhile, extra security has been
deployed to other regions of western China.

"I know the Communist Party will take care of
everything by midnight and restore order," said the
migrant worker from Sichuan. "But then again, how can
we go back to normal with so many stores on so many
streets burned and destroyed?"



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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #5 on: March 28, 2008, 10:44:33 PM »
Tibet, the 'great game' and the CIA
By Richard M Bennett

Given the historical context of the unrest in Tibet, there is reason to believe Beijing was caught on the hop with the recent demonstrations for the simple reason that their planning took place outside of Tibet and that the direction of the protesters is similarly in the hands of anti-Chinese organizers safely out of reach in Nepal and northern India.

Similarly, the funding and overall control of the unrest has also been linked to Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama, and by inference to the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) because of his close cooperation with US intelligence for over 50 years.

Indeed, with the CIA's deep involvement with the Free Tibet Movement and its funding of the suspiciously well-informed Radio Free Asia, it would seem somewhat unlikely that any revolt could

have been planned or occurred without the prior knowledge, and even perhaps the agreement, of the National Clandestine Service (formerly known as the Directorate of Operations) at CIA headquarters in Langley.

Respected columnist and former senior Indian Intelligence officer, B Raman, commented on March 21 that "on the basis of available evidence, it was possible to assess with a reasonable measure of conviction" that the initial uprising in Lhasa on March 14 "had been pre-planned and well orchestrated".

Could there be a factual basis to the suggestion that the main beneficiaries to the death and destruction sweeping Tibet are in Washington? History would suggest that this is a distinct possibility.

The CIA conducted a large scale covert action campaign against the communist Chinese in Tibet starting in 1956. This led to a disastrous bloody uprising in 1959, leaving tens of thousands of Tibetans dead, while the Dalai Lama and about 100,000 followers were forced to flee across the treacherous Himalayan passes to India and Nepal.

The CIA established a secret military training camp for the Dalai Lama's resistance fighters at Camp Hale near Leadville, Colorado, in the US. The Tibetan guerrillas were trained and equipped by the CIA for guerrilla warfare and sabotage operations against the communist Chinese.

The US-trained guerrillas regularly carried out raids into Tibet, on occasions led by CIA-contract mercenaries and supported by CIA planes. The initial training program ended in December 1961, though the camp in Colorado appears to have remained open until at least 1966.

The CIA Tibetan Task Force created by Roger E McCarthy, alongside the Tibetan guerrilla army, continued the operation codenamed ST CIRCUS to harass the Chinese occupation forces for another 15 years until 1974, when officially sanctioned involvement ceased.

McCarthy, who also served as head of the Tibet Task Force at the height of its activities from 1959 until 1961, later went on to run similar operations in Vietnam and Laos.

By the mid-1960s, the CIA had switched its strategy from parachuting guerrilla fighters and intelligence agents into Tibet to establishing the Chusi Gangdruk, a guerrilla army of some 2,000 ethnic Khamba fighters at bases such as Mustang in Nepal.

This base was only closed down in 1974 by the Nepalese government after being put under tremendous pressure by Beijing.
After the Indo-China War of 1962, the CIA developed a close relationship with the Indian intelligence services in both training and supplying agents in Tibet.

Kenneth Conboy and James Morrison in their book The CIA's Secret War in Tibet disclose that the CIA and the Indian intelligence services cooperated in the training and equipping of Tibetan agents and special forces troops and in forming joint aerial and intelligence units such as the Aviation Research Center and Special Center.

This collaboration continued well into the 1970s and some of the programs that it sponsored, especially the special forces unit of Tibetan refugees which would become an important part of the Indian Special Frontier Force, continue into the present.

Only the deterioration in relations with India which coincided with improvements in those with Beijing brought most of the joint CIA-Indian operations to an end.

Though Washington had been scaling back support for the Tibetan guerrillas since 1968, it is thought that the end of official US backing for the resistance only came during meetings between president Richard Nixon and the Chinese communist leadership in Beijing in February 1972.

Victor Marchetti, a former CIA officer has described the outrage many field agents felt when Washington finally pulled the plug, adding that a number even "[turned] for solace to the Tibetan prayers which they had learned during their years with the Dalai Lama".

The former CIA Tibetan Task Force chief from 1958 to 1965, John Kenneth Knaus, has been quoted as saying, "This was not some CIA black-bag operation." He added, "The initiative was coming from ... the entire US government."

In his book Orphans of the Cold War, Knaus writes of the obligation Americans feel toward the cause of Tibetan independence from China. Significantly, he adds that its realization "would validate the more worthy motives of we who tried to help them achieve this goal over 40 years ago. It would also alleviate the guilt some of us feel over our participation in these efforts, which cost others their lives, but which were the prime adventure of our own."

Despite the lack of official support it is still widely rumored that the CIA were involved, if only by proxy, in another failed revolt in October 1987, the unrest that followed and the consequent Chinese repression continuing till May 1993.

The timing for another serious attempt to destabilize Chinese rule in Tibet would appear to be right for the CIA and Langley will undoubtedly keep all its options open.

China is faced with significant problems, with the Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang province; the activities of the Falun Gong among many other dissident groups and of course growing concern over the security of the Summer Olympic Games in August.

China is viewed by Washington as a major threat, both economic and military, not just in Asia, but in Africa and Latin America as well.

The CIA also views China as being "unhelpful" in the "war on terror", with little or no cooperation being offered and nothing positive being done to stop the flow of arms and men from Muslim areas of western China to support Islamic extremist movements in Afghanistan and Central Asian states.

To many in Washington, this may seem the ideal opportunity to knock the Beijing government off balance as Tibet is still seen as China's potential weak spot.

The CIA will undoubtedly ensure that its fingerprints are not discovered all over this growing revolt. Cut-outs and proxies will be used among the Tibetan exiles in Nepal and India's northern border areas.

Indeed, the CIA can expect a significant level of support from a number of security organizations in both India and Nepal and will have no trouble in providing the resistance movement with advice, money and above all, publicity.

However, not until the unrest shows any genuine signs of becoming an open revolt by the great mass of ethnic Tibetans against the Han Chinese and Hui Muslims will any weapons be allowed to appear.

Large quantities of former Eastern bloc small arms and explosives have been reportedly smuggled into Tibet over the past 30 years, but these are likely to remain safely hidden until the right opportunity presents itself.

The weapons have been acquired on the world markets or from stocks captured by US or Israeli forces. They have been sanitized and are deniable, untraceable back to the CIA.

Weapons of this nature also have the advantage of being interchangeable with those used by the Chinese armed forces and of course use the same ammunition, easing the problem of resupply during any future conflict.

Though official support for the Tibetan resistance ended 30 years ago, the CIA has kept open its lines of communications and still funds much of the Tibetan Freedom movement.

So is the CIA once again playing the "great game" in Tibet?

It certainly has the capability, with a significant intelligence and paramilitary presence in the region. Major bases exist in Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan and several Central Asian states.

It cannot be doubted that it has an interest in undermining China, as well as the more obvious target of Iran.

So the probable answer is yes, and indeed it would be rather surprising if the CIA was not taking more than just a passing interest in Tibet. That is after all what it is paid to do.

Since September 11, 2001, there has been a sea-change in US Intelligence attitudes, requirements and capabilities. Old operational plans have been dusted off and updated. Previous assets re-activated. Tibet and the perceived weakness of China's position there will probably have been fully reassessed.

For Washington and the CIA, this may seem a heaven-sent opportunity to create a significant lever against Beijing, with little risk to American interests; simply a win-win situation.

The Chinese government would be on the receiving end of worldwide condemnation for its continuing repression and violation of human rights and it will be young Tibetans dying on the streets of Lhasa rather than yet more uniformed American kids.

The consequences of any open revolt against Beijing, however, are that once again the fear of arrest, torture and even execution will pervade every corner of both Tibet and those neighboring provinces where large Tibetan populations exist, such as Gansu, Qinghai and Sichuan.

And the Tibetan Freedom movement still has little likelihood of achieving any significant improvement in central Chinese policy in the long run and no chance whatever of removing its control of Lhasa and their homeland.

Once again it would appear that the Tibetan people will find themselves trapped between an oppressive Beijing and a manipulative Washington.

Beijing sends in the heavies
The fear that the United States, Britain and other Western states may try to portray Tibet as another Kosovo may be part of the reason why the Chinese authorities reacted as if faced with a genuine mass revolt rather than their official portrayal of a short-lived outbreak of unrest by malcontents supporting the Dalai Lama.

Indeed, so seriously did Beijing view the situation that a special security coordination unit, the 110 Command Center, has been established in Lhasa with the primary objective of suppressing the disturbances and restoring full central government control.

The center appears to be under the direct control of Zhang Qingli, first secretary of the Tibet Party and a President Hu Jintao loyalist. Zhang is also the former Xinjiang deputy party secretary with considerable experience in counter-terrorism operations in that region.

Others holding important positions in Lhasa are Zhang Xinfeng, vice minister of the Central Public Security Ministry and Zhen Yi, deputy commander of the People's Armed Police Headquarters in Beijing.

The seriousness with which Beijing is treating the present unrest is further illustrated by the deployment of a large number of important army units from the Chengdu Military Region, including brigades from the 149th Mechanized Infantry Division, which acts as the region's rapid reaction force.

According to a United Press International report, elite ground force units of the People's Liberation Army were involved in Lhasa, and the new T-90 armored personnel carrier and T-92 wheeled armored vehicles were deployed. According to the report, China has denied the participation of the army in the crackdown, saying it was carried out by units of the armed police. "Such equipment as mentioned above has never been deployed by China's armed police, however."

Air support is provided by the 2nd Army Aviation Regiment, based at Fenghuangshan, Chengdu, in Sichuan province. It operates a mix of helicopters and STOL transports from a frontline base near Lhasa. Combat air support could be quickly made available from fighter ground attack squadrons based within the Chengdu region.
The Xizang Military District forms the Tibet garrison, which has two mountain infantry units; the 52nd Brigade based at Linzhi and the 53rd Brigade at Yaoxian Shannxi. These are supported by the 8th Motorized Infantry Division and an artillery brigade at Shawan, Xinjiang.

Tibet is also no longer quite as remote or difficult to resupply for the Chinese army. The construction of the first railway between 2001 and 2007 has significantly eased the problems of the movement of large numbers of troops and equipment from Qinghai onto the rugged Tibetan plateau.

Other precautions against a resumption of the long-term Tibetan revolts of previous years has led to a considerable degree of self-sufficiency in logistics and vehicle repair by the Tibetan garrison and an increasing number of small airfields have been built to allow rapid-reaction units to gain access to even the most remote areas.

The Chinese Security Ministry and intelligence services had been thought to have a suffocating presence in the province and indeed the ability to detect any serious protest movement and suppress resistance.

Richard M Bennett, intelligence and security consultant, AFI Research.

(Copyright 2008 Richard M Bennett.)


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #6 on: March 29, 2008, 08:26:34 AM »
Monday 17 March 2008
Brendan O’Neill
Using Tibet to settle scores with China

Tibetans want to be free. But they’ve been given a
green light to riot by Western elements driven more by
spite and envy than a love for liberty.

The grainy, sneaked-out footage of Tibetans rioting in
Lhasa and in parts of China itself clearly reveals one
thing: Tibetans want more control over their daily
lives and destinies. Frustrated with living under
illiberal and undemocratic Chinese rule, they are
lashing out against what they consider to be symbols
of Chinese domination: Han Chinese businesses and
buildings owned by Chinese officialdom.

But there’s another story behind the images of
instability being broadcast around the world, a more
complex, dangerous and difficult-to-spot story of
cynical, spiteful political manoeuvring. Elements in
the West have effectively encouraged Tibetans to riot,
not because they are committed to democracy and
liberty, but because they fear and loathe the Chinese.
Western encouragement of Tibetan instability may dress
itself in the rallying cry of ‘Free Tibet!’, but its
real motivation is to ‘Humiliate China!’

The Tibetan protesters’ angry outbursts reveal their
deep-seated dissatisfaction with life under the
Stalinist regime. Yet the protests can also be seen as
a physical, violent manifestation of Western
China-bashing, which is increasing in intensity as the
Beijing Olympics approach. For the past three months,
Western officials and commentators have implicitly
(and sometimes explicitly) encouraged Tibetans and
others to ‘use the Olympics to humiliate China’ (1).
Taking their cue, at least in part, from Western
culture’s feverish fear and suspicion of China,
Tibetans have launched protests that seem designed as
much to please Western observers as to push through
real, meaningful changes in Tibet and China.

In both their timing and their presentation, the
protests seem more a product of Western cajoling than
of an independent, groundswell demand for liberty
amongst Tibetans. It is no coincidence that the
protests, reportedly the biggest amongst Tibetans
since the late 1980s, have erupted in the run-up to
Beijing 2008. Vast numbers of political entrepreneurs
and activists are trying to transform the Olympics
into a platform for moral posturing and China-bashing.
According to the International Herald Tribune, such is
the frenzied politicisation of the Olympics by Western
officials and campaigners that athletes are becoming
confused about which cause to support. They have found
themselves ‘overwhelmed by menu choices’ and also by
numerous ‘wardrobe decisions’: should they wear a
‘China, Please’ armband to protest against China’s
links with Sudan, or a yellow ‘Livestrong’ bracelet to
indicate their support for a ‘pollution-free games and
lead-free toys’? An American triathlete has
complained: ‘Every time you turn around, there is
someone trying to make a statement about something.’
(2) The relentless politicisation of the Olympics by
Western elements, the widespread discussion of Beijing
2008 as an opportunity to ‘humiliate China’, has
helped to create a volatile atmosphere in the more
restive parts of China and its surrounding
territories, including Tibet.

Presentation-wise, the protesters’ use of English
slogans and their speedy dissemination of mobile-phone
footage suggest the demonstrations are aimed very much
at a Western audience. In the march of the Tibetan
monks in northern India last week, and during the more
fiery protests in Tibet and China over the weekend,
Tibetans carried placards with English-language
demands such as ‘Tibet Needs You’. They wore headbands
saying ‘Free Tibet’ - the favoured slogan of Western
middle-class and even aristocratic pro-Tibet
sympathisers, such as Prince Charles (3). Tibetan
monks in Dharamsala, India (where the Tibetan
government-in-exile resides, led by the Dalai Lama)
have put up English posters saying ‘Beijing 2008: A
Celebration of Human Rights Violations’ (4). One
British newspaper has celebrated Tibetan protesters’
use of ‘the most dangerous weapon in the world - the
cameras on their mobile phones’ (5). Many Western
observers who cheer Tibetans for using this ‘weapon’
to beam images of their struggle around the world
would probably feel very uncomfortable if Tibetans
used real weapons to force their Stalinist rulers to
make changes or concessions.

The protests seem orientated very much towards the
outside world. They appear to gain their legitimacy
and fire from today’s widespread China-bashing, and
they seem designed, in some ways, for Western
consumption. This shows the extent to which Tibetans
have become caught up in a global tug-of-war between
the West and China. No doubt some people feel
genuinely inspired by the Tibetan unrest, but many of
the Western elements cheering the Tibetan cause and
encouraging the Tibetans to ‘humiliate China’ are
motivated less by a genuine commitment to liberty and
democracy than by a deep and cynical desire to make
life difficult for the Chinese.

Today’s Tibetan protests are taking place in a broad,
quite sinister political context: the West’s
transformation of China into a cultural and political
target. In recent years, China has inexorably, and in
some ways unconsciously, been transformed into a
whipping boy for the West. Anti-Chinese sentiments cut
across the political divide: on both the old right and
the new left, attacking China for its economic growth,
human rights record, environmental destruction or
suppression of the Tibetan people has become de
rigueur. There is an unspoken consensus today -
amongst Western officials, commentators and radical
activists - that China is a global threat which must
be put back in its place with a short, sharp dose of
humiliation. Far more than the demonisation of the
Soviet Union as the ‘Evil Empire’ during the Cold War
era, the labelling of China as a dirty,
uncontrollable, violent beast enjoys widespread,
unquestioned support throughout political circles in
the West.

On the right, China-bashing has become a way of
settling old scores from the Cold War. American
right-wing thinkers and officials seem to take comfort
in the familiar feeling of standing up to an ‘old
communist foe’. Robbed of the ‘Evil Empire’ in the
East by the end of the Cold War, and thrown by the
unpredictability of global affairs more broadly, old
right elements cling to China as an old-fashioned
enemy from an era when politics was simpler and
international affairs were more black-and-white; they
are trying to recreate that era with a new
‘yellow-and-white’ divide between barbaric China and
the civilised USA (6). Last week, the Pentagon made a
splash with its annual report to US Congress on the
threat posed by Chinese military power. It was hard
not to nod, at least in partial agreement, with the
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman who accused
officials in the Pentagon of being consumed by ‘Cold
War thinking’ (7).

There is also an element of palpable jealousy in
right-wing attacks on contemporary China. As America’s
economy spins from one crisis to another, becoming
reliant in many ways on East Asian cash to bail it
out, traditionalist economic thinkers are discussing
Chinese growth as a problem and a threat. Using the
language of environmentalism - clearly sensing that
old-fashioned protectionism would not go down very
well today - establishment publications in the US
publish essays with headlines such as ‘Choking on
growth’; they argue that if China is to reduce its
carbon emissions (that is, slow down its growth) then
there will have to be a ‘wholesale mindset change’
amongst the Chinese people (8). Books such as The
River Runs Black: The Environmental Challenge to
China’s Future are snapped up and celebrated by
traditionalist American thinkers and economists (9).

Amongst left-leaning campaign groups and writers,
China has become the No.1 International Bogeyman
because of what they see as its ceaseless
industrialisation. Westerners who find the idea of
growth so nineteenth-century openly discuss China as a
poisonous nation that is killing its own people and
possibly the planet. Liberal green writers see only
the ‘dust, waste and dirty water’ in modern China;
they describe the economic progress there as the ‘mass
poisoning of a people and the ecological devastation
of a nation’, which is a product, apparently, of greed
- ‘ours and theirs’ (10). Those greedy Chinese,
getting jobs in the city and buying cars and TVs… why
don’t they go back to the paddy fields where they
belong? Green campaign groups call on Western nations
to cut their political and economic ties with China,
and instruct Western consumers that ‘If it says “Made
in China”, don’t buy it’: only then, they argue, will
‘The World’s Biggest CO2 Emitter’ and ‘The World’s
No.1 Consumer of Coal’ (that’s ‘China’ to those of us
who don’t think and speak in the dehumanising language
of trendy China-bashers) be forced to change its ways
(11). They fancy this as a radical stance, but in
today’s Great China-Bashing Consensus, greens are
merely the protesting wing of the backward, fearful,
protectionist politics of a West worried about the
‘Chinese threat’.

In many ways, campaigners and commentators in the West
are projecting their own disgust with ‘the Western way
of life’ on to China. They see in China everything
that they doubt or loathe about modernity itself. That
is why commentators frequently tell China not to make
‘the same mistakes that we made’. On everything from
economic growth to sporting competitiveness, from the
use of coal to the building of skyscrapers, today’s
China-bashing is motivated by Western self-loathing,
as well as by spite and envy towards the seemingly
successful Chinese. Ironically, this means that China
is now seen as ‘the Other’ precisely because it
appears too Western: it is China’s ambition, growth,
its leaps forward - things that a more confident West
might once have celebrated - which make it seem alien
to Western observers who today prefer carbon-counting
to factory-building and road tolls to road
construction. China-bashing is underpinned by a crisis
of belief in the West in things such as progress,
growth, development.

It is the sweeping consensus that China is dangerous
and diseased that has attracted Western observers to
the issue of Tibet. Both left and right elements in
the West are exploiting the Tibet issue as a way of
putting pressure on China. They are less interested in
securing real freedom and equality for Tibetans, and
for the Chinese people more broadly, than they are in
using and abusing internal disgruntlement in China and
nearby territories as a way of humiliating the Chinese
government. That is why Tibetans can symbolise
different things to different people. For conservative
commentators, the Tibetans are warriors for freedom
against a Stalinist monolith; their protests are a
replay of the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia in
1989 (12). For greener, more liberal campaigners,
Tibetans are symbols of natural and mystical purity in
contrast to rampant Western and Chinese consumerism.
As one author puts it, Tibetan culture offers
‘powerful, untarnished and coherent alternatives to
Western egotistical lifestyles [and] our gradually
more pointless pursuit of material interests’ (13).
Various political factions in the West are using
Tibetans as ventriloquist dummies in order to mouth
their own complaints against modern China. They are
promoting Tibetan unrest not to liberate Tibetans but
in the hope that the protests will represent their own
personal disgust for China in a real-world, physical

There is a long history of Western politicians and
activists using Tibet as a stick with which to beat
China. In his fascinating book Prisoners of
Shangri-La: Tibetan Buddhism and the West, Donald S
Lopez Jnr shows how, in the Western imagination, ‘the
invasion of Tibet by [China] was and still is
represented as an undifferentiated mass of godless
Communists overrunning a peaceful land devoted only to
ethereal pursuits… Tibet embodies the spiritual and
the ancient, China the material and the modern.
Tibetans are superhuman, Chinese are subhuman.’ (14)
Today, too, pro-Tibetan activism often disguises a
view of the Chinese as subhuman. Indeed, in the
current, all-encompassing right/left consensus about
China, even left-leaning campaigns can employ old
right tactics of demonising the Chinese. A poster for
the trendy campaign group Free Tibet shows Tibetans as
serene and peaceful and the Chinese as smog-producing
modernisers with distinctly slitty eyes and goofy
teeth (15).

spiked is no friend of the Chinese regime. Yet those
promoting self-serving internal unrest in the run-up
to the Olympics, encouraging Tibetans and others to
bash China for real where the West only does it with
words and propaganda, are playing a dangerous game
indeed. Such a strategy of cynical destabilisation
could unleash yet more violence in China, and have
repercussions around the world. And the biggest
losers, at least in the short term, are likely to be
Tibetans themselves: they will not win liberty or
equality by being transformed into performing
protesters for the benefit of Chinaphobic Westerners.

Brendan O’Neill is editor of spike


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #7 on: March 29, 2008, 10:57:30 AM »

by Yoichi Shimatsu

(PNS) -- For decades, the Beijing government had recognized the Dalai Lama as its sole negotiating partner in Tibetan affairs. For the officialdom, it was simpler to deal with a single person -- the "pontiff" of Tibetan Buddhism -- to control the entire ethnic population. The facade of Tibetan unity was convenient to both sides but now it has unraveled, and it's the endgame for the Dalai Lama.

By ordering the monks of his Gelugpa or Yellow Hat sect to hold peaceful rallies on the 49th anniversary of the Chinese invasion, the Dalai Lama -- unwittingly -- ignited pent-up emotions among Lhasa residents. Scenes like the head bashing, stoning and kicking of a prostrate bicycle owner arose from popular grievances against runaway price inflation and perceived discrimination against Tibetans in their own land. Such cruelty, regardless of past injustices, has nothing to do with Buddhist teachings but arises from the human condition.
Unfortunately for the Dalai Lama, the loyalists in his once-powerful organization inside Tibet are being selectively investigated, arrested and detained for causing the violence. The Beijing government has repeatedly stated that only a small minority of Tibetans loyal to the Dalai Lama were involved in the protests. Whatever its legal flaws, there's more than a grain of truth in the official assertion.

Amid the mayhem and anarchy, a decisive factor in the Tibetan equation has gone practically unnoticed: Key major players did not join or support the protests:

    The Panchen Lama, a top prelate of the Gelugpa or Yellow Hat school, second in rank only to the Dalai Lama himself, has spoken in no uncertain terms against the rioting and instead backed the government.

    Leaders of the Nyingma and Sakya schools, as well as the native Bon religion, did not endorse the protests and are tight-lipped about the wave of arrests.

    Laymen with the re-ascendant Kagyupa or Black Hat school, are furious with the Dalai Lama after being targeted by Gelugpa supporters during the horsemen's raid on the Hezuo local district office in south Gansu and in several counties in Sichuan Province.

In this negative light, the rallies by the Gelugpa monks seemed a desperate bid to reassert the Dalai Lama's authority by accusing their Tibetan rivals of being "collaborators" and presenting themselves as the "resistance." Due to the unintended violence, however, the Yellow Hats find themselves as the odd man out. Following the crackdown, rival sects are moving to dismantle the remnants of the Gelugpa organization, which had the monopoly of power over the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) and other districts as recently as five years ago.

If the facade of Tibetan unity was convenient, it now no longer serves.

In January 2000, the Chinese view of the Dalai Lama started to undergo a radical change during the affair known as the "Flight of the Karmapa" -- covered in a documentary by Nachtvision. The Karmapa is the head lama of the Kagyupa, or Black Hat school, which ruled Tibet until the reign of the 5th Dalai Lama began in 1642.

At the turn of the millennium, the teenage Karmapa, born Ogyen Trinley Dorje, began a secret journey from his seat in Tsurphu monastery, west of Lhasa, to Sikkim in north India to recover the mystic Black Crown of the Kagyupa. In the bid to strengthen his nomination against other contenders, the Karmapa rode horseback on a tortuous path through the frozen wilderness of Nepal's Mustang region. At the 4,500-meters altitude Thorong-La Pass, he was separated from his Nepalese Kagyupa guide and whisked aboard a mountain-rescue helicopter. He soon turned up under virtual house arrest near the Dalai Lama's headquarters in Dharamsala, India.

As told by his guide, the Venerable Gyaltsen Rimpoche, nicknamed the "Tall Manangi," the Ogyen Trinley had to retrieve the charismatic crown because "in Lhasa the Karmapa was rising and becoming more popular, so the Gelugpa did not like it and the situation was becoming dangerous for him." Only the magic talisman could turn the tables on the powerful Yellow Hats.

In the eyes of many Kagyupa monks, the Karmapa has been abducted by the Dalai Lama's exile government and remains a hostage to the senior leader of a rival sect. The Black Hats responded furiously with demands to Beijing that Gelugpa monks should be stripped of their control over the Tibet province budget and other privileges.

Feeling sorely betrayed by the Dalai Lama, who had earlier backed the appointment of Orgyen Trinley as Karmapa, Beijing consented to the Black Hat's harsh demands. Thus ended the Yellow Hats' monopoly on power inside Tibet. Since then, the local governments of many Tibetan zones have been taken over by laymen loyal to the Black Hats. Hezuo, the scene of the horsemen's well-publicized raid, is the site of the Kagyupa's Milarepa Shrine. Horses were used in the attack because the raiders came from the Xiahe district, the stronghold of the rival Gelugpa's Labrang Monastery.

This realignment of sectarian power in Tibet, which can be compared with the Protestant Reformation in Europe, is only now coming to light in public discourse after the Lhasa riots. A People's Daily editorial, titled "No return to old Tibet" (March 18), stated: "the political exile (Dalai Lama) has continued his rule with an iron fist that smashes any challenge to his power from anyone or any sect. . . . Local Tibetans have managed their affairs well without his interference."

In private, many exiles across the Himalayas, including former Khampa guerrillas who fought the Chinese army in the 1960s, recount disturbing allegations of the Dalai Lama's security team's involvement in the murdering of his critics by poisoning and bombing. This dark side of intra-Tibetan intrigue is yet to be factually uncovered before world opinion.

In an ultimate irony, the only person who can prevent the coming demolition and disgrace of the Gelugpa school is Gyeltshen Norbu, the Beijing-appointed Panchen Lama.

The Panchen Lama probably won't rush to their defense, not after pro-Dharamsala lamas lobbied furiously against Beijing's attempt to appoint the young lama as a delegate to the National People's Congress, held in early March, arguing that he was not yet 18 years of age. To avoid controversy, Beijing reluctantly conceded, even though the official birth date of Gyeltshen Norbu was February 13, 1990, making him 18 and eligible.

The Panchen Lama is likely to receive Buddhist VIPs at the Beijing Olympics. An audience and blessing from the bright young monk will certainly win international support for his confirmation of the next reincarnation of the Dalai Lama. It is the traditional custom for the Panchen Lama to confirm the reincarnated Dalai Lama and vice versa. By contrast, high-ranking monks have scoffed at the Dalai Lama's idea of forming a committee to elect a successor.

The recent uprising in Lhasa, despite its grim pathos, is a reminder of the tragic 1959 insurrection that resulted in the deaths of thousands of Tibetans. In both cases, the 14th Dalai Lama badly miscalculated the divisions among his own people, Beijing's strategic determination, and the moral hypocrisy of the international community.

In the Buddhist view, all things come full circle. In the 17th century, the 5th Dalai Lama called in a Mongol general to overthrow the Karmapa's theocracy. Today, the Karmapa's men are ousting the Gelugpa power structure. Ceaseless change is unstoppable, taught Sakyamuni Buddha. Thus, attachment only results in suffering -- our attachment to wealth, power, pride, respect and, most of all, to love, the meanest vice yet highest virtue of human existence. Not even his bitter opponents can dispute the deep love of His Holiness the Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso for his homeland, Tibet. How difficult it must be now, to let go.

Yoichi Shimatsu, former editor of the Japan Times Weekly in Tokyo, was executive producer of the video documentary "Flight of a Karmapa"


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #8 on: April 04, 2008, 03:17:35 PM »
> Protests in Tibet and Separatism: the Olympics and
> Beyond
> by Barry Sautman,
> Associate Professor
> Division of Social Science
> Hong Kong University of Science & Technology
> Recent protests in Lhasa and other Tibetan areas were
> organized to embarrass the Chinese government ahead of
> the Olympics. The Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), the
> major Tibetan exile organization that advocates
> independence for Tibet and has endorsed using violent
> methods to achieve it, has said as much. Its head,
> Tsewang Rigzin, stated in a March 15 interview with the
> Chicago Tribune that since it is likely that Chinese
> authorities would suppress protests in Tibet, "With the
> spotlight on them with the Olympics, we want to test
> them. We want them to show their true colors. That's
> why we're pushing this." At the June, 2007 Conference
> for an Independent Tibet organized in India by "Friends
> of Tibet," speakers pointed out that the Olympics
> present a unique opportunity for protests in Tibet. In
> January, 2008, exiles in India launched a "Tibetan
> People's Uprising Movement" to "act in the spirit" of
> the violent 1959 uprising against Chinese government
> authority and focus on the Olympics.
> Several groups of Tibetans were likely involved in the
> protests in Lhasa, including in the burning and looting
> of non-Tibetan businesses and attacks against Han and
> Hui (Muslim Chinese) migrants to Tibet. The large
> monasteries have long been centers of separatism, a
> stance cultivated by the TYC and other exile entities,
> many of which are financed by the US State Department
> or the US Congress' National Endowment for Democracy.
> Monks are self-selected to be especially devoted to the
> Dalai Lama. However much he may characterize his own
> position as seeking only greater autonomy for Tibet,
> monks know he is unwilling to declare that Tibet is an
> inalienable part of China, an act China demands of him
> as a precondition to formal negotiations. Because the
> exile regime eschews a separation of politics and
> religion, many monks deem adherence to the Dalai Lama's
> stance of non-recognition of the Chinese government's
> legitimacy in Tibet to be a religious obligation.
> Reports on the violence have underscored that Tibetan
> merchants competing with Han and Hui are especially
> antagonistic to the presence of non-Tibetans. Alongside
> monks, Tibetan merchants were the mainstay of protests
> in Lhasa in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This time
> around, many Han and Hui-owned shops were torched. Many
> of those involved in arson, looting, and ethnic-based
> beatings are also likely to have been unemployed young
> men. Towns have experienced much rural-to-urban
> migration of Tibetans with few skills needed for urban
> employment. Videos from Lhasa showed the vast majority
> of rioters were males in their teens or twenties.
> The recent actions in Tibetan areas differ from the
> broad-based demonstrations of "people power" movements
> in several parts of the world in the last few decades.
> They hardly show the overwhelming Tibetan anti-Chinese
> consensus portrayed in the international media. The
> highest media estimate of Tibetans who participated in
> protests is 20,000 -- by Steve Chao, the Beijing Bureau
> Chief of Canadian Television News, i.e. one of every
> 300 Tibetans. Compare that to the 1986 protests against
> the Marcos dictatorship by about three million -- one
> out of every 19 Filipinos.
> Tibetans have legitimate grievances about not being
> sufficiently helped to compete for jobs and in business
> with migrants to Tibet. There is also job
> discrimination by Han migrants in favor of family
> members and people from their native places. The gaps
> in education and living standards between Tibetans and
> Han are substantial and too slow in narrowing. The
> grievances have long existed, but protests and rioting
> took place this year because the Olympics make it
> opportune for separatists to advance their agenda.
> Indeed, there was a radical disconnect between Tibetan
> socio-economic grievances and the slogans raised in the
> protests, such as "Complete Independence for Tibet" and
> "May the exiles and Tibetans inside Tibet be reunited,"
> slogans that not coincidentally replicate those raised
> by pro-independence Tibetan exiles.
> While separatists will not succeed in detaching Tibet
> from China by rioting, they believe that China will
> eventually collapse, like the former Soviet Union and
> Yugoslavia, and they seek to establish their claim to
> rule before that happens. Alternatively, they think
> that the United States may intervene, as it has
> elsewhere, to foster the breakaway of regions in
> countries to which the US is antagonistic, e.g. Kosovo
> and southern Sudan. The Chinese government also fears
> such eventualities, however unlikely they are to come
> to pass. It accordingly acts to suppress separatism, an
> action that comports with its rights under
> international law.
> Separatists know they can count on the automatic
> sympathy of Western politicians and media, who view
> China as a strategic economic and political competitor.
> Western elites have thus widely condemned China for
> suppressing riots that these elites would never allow
> to go unsuppressed in their own countries. They demand
> that China be restrained in its response; yet, during
> the Los Angeles uprising or riots of 1992 -- which
> spread to a score of other major cities -- President
> George H.W. Bush stated when he send in thousands of
> soldiers, that "There can be no excuse for the murder,
> arson, theft or vandalism that have terrorized the
> people of Los Angeles... Let me assure you that I will
> use whatever force is necessary to restore order."
> Neither Western politicians nor mainstream media
> attacked him on this score, while neither Western
> leaders nor the Dalai Lama have criticized those
> Tibetans who recently engaged in ethnic-based attacks
> and arsons.
> Western elites give the Chinese government no
> recognition for significant improvements in the lives
> of Tibetans as a result of subsidies from the China's
> central government and provinces, improvements that the
> Dalai Lama has himself admitted. Western politicians
> and media also consistently credit the Dalai Lama's
> charge that "cultural genocide" is underway in Tibet,
> even though the exiles and their supporters offer no
> credible evidence of the evisceration of Tibetan
> language use, religious practice or art. In fact, more
> than 90 % of Tibetans speak Tibetan as their mother
> tongue. Tibet has about 150,000 monks and nuns, the
> highest concentration of full-time "clergy" in the
> Buddhist world. Western scholars of Tibetan literature
> and art forms have attested that it is flourishing.
> Ethnic contradictions in Tibet arise from the
> demography, economy and politics of the Tibetan areas.
> Separatists and their supporters claim that Han Chinese
> have been "flooding" into Tibet, "swamping" Tibetans
> demographically. In fact, between the national censuses
> of 1990 and 2000 (which count everyone who has lived in
> an area for six months or more), the percentage of
> Tibetans in the Tibetan areas as a whole increased
> somewhat and Han were about one-fifth of the
> population. A preliminary analysis of the 2005 mini-
> census shows that from 2000-2005 there was a small
> increase in the proportion of Han in the central-
> western parts of Tibet (the Tibet Autonomous Region or
> TAR) and little change in eastern Tibet. Pro-
> independence forces want the Tibetan areas cleansed of
> Han (as happened in 1912 and 1949); the Dalai Lama has
> said he will accept a three-to-one Tibetan to non-Tibet
> population ratio, but he consistently misrepresents the
> present situation as one of a Han majority. Given his
> status as not merely the top Tibetan Buddhist religious
> leader, but as an emanation of Buddha, most Tibetans
> credit whatever he says on this or other topics.
> The Tibetan countryside, where three-fourths of the
> population lives, has very few non-Tibetans. The vast
> majority of Han migrants to Tibetan towns are poor or
> near-poor. They are not personally subsidized by the
> state; although like urban Tibetans, they are
> indirectly subsidized by infrastructure development
> that favors the towns. Some 85 % of Han who migrate to
> Tibet to establish businesses fail; they generally
> leave within two to three years. Those who survive
> economically offer competition to local Tibetan
> business people, but a comprehensive study in Lhasa has
> shown that non-Tibetans have pioneered small and medium
> enterprise sectors that some Tibetans have later
> entered and made use of their local knowledge to
> prosper.
> Tibetans are not simply an underclass; there is a
> substantial Tibetan middle class, based in government
> service, tourism, commerce, and small-scale
> manufacturing/ transportation. There are also many
> unemployed or under-employed Tibetans, but almost no
> unemployed or underemployed Han because those who
> cannot find work leave. Many Han migrants have racist
> attitudes toward Tibetans, mostly notions that Tibetans
> are lazy, dirty, and obsessed with religion. Many
> Tibetans reciprocate with representations of Han as
> rich, money-obsessed and conspiring to exploit
> Tibetans. Long-resident urban Tibetans absorb aspects
> of Han culture in much the same way that ethnic
> minorities do with ethnic majority cultures the world
> over. Tibetans are not however being forcibly
> "Sincized." Most Tibetans speak little or no Chinese.
> They begin to learn it in the higher primary grades
> and, in many Tibetan areas, must study in it if they go
> on to secondary education. Chinese, however, is one of
> the two most important languages in the world and
> considerable advantages accrue to those who learn it,
> just as they do to non-native English speakers.
> The Tibetan exiles argue that religious practice is
> sharply restricted in Tibetan areas. The Chinese
> government has the right under international law to
> regulate religious institutions to prevent them from
> being used as vehicles for separatism and the control
> of religion is in fact mostly a function of the state's
> (overly-developed) concern about separatism and
> secondarily about how the hyper-development of
> religious institutions counteracts "development" among
> ethnic Tibetans. Certain state policies do infringe on
> freedom of religion; for example, the forbidding, in
> the TAR (Tibet Autonomous Region), of state employees
> and university students to participate in religious
> rites. The lesser degree of control over religion in
> the eastern Tibetan areas beyond the TAR-- at least
> before the events of March, 2008 -- indicate however
> that the Chinese government calibrates its control
> according to the perceived degree of separatist
> sentiment in the monasteries.
> The Dalai Lama's regime was of course itself a
> theocracy that closely regulated the monasteries,
> including the politics, hierarchy and number of monks.
> The exile authorities today circumscribe by fiat those
> religious practices they oppose, such as the
> propitiation of a "deity" known as Dorje Shugden. The
> cult of the Dalai Lama, which is even stronger among
> monks than it is among Hollywood stars, nevertheless
> mandates acceptance of his claim that restrictions on
> religious management and practice in Tibet arise solely
> from the Chinese state's supposed anti-religious
> animus. Similarly, the cult requires the conviction
> that the Dalai Lama is a pacifist, even though he has
> explicitly or implicitly endorsed all wars waged by the
> US.
> The development of the "market economy" has had much
> the same effect in Tibetan areas as in the rest of
> China, i.e. increased exploitation, exacerbated income
> and wealth differentials, and rampant corruption. The
> degree to which this involves an "ethnic division of
> labor" that disadvantages Tibetans is however
> exaggerated by separatists in order to foster ethnic
> antagonism. For example, Tibet is not the poorest area
> of China, as is often claimed. It is better off than
> several other ethnic minority areas and even than some
> Han areas, in large measure due to heavy government
> subsidies. Rural Tibetans as well receive more state
> subsidies than other minorities. The exile leaders
> employ hyperbole not only in terms of the degree of
> empirical difference, but also concerning the more
> fundamental ethnic relationship in Tibet: in contrast
> to, say, Israel/Palestine, Tibetans have the same
> rights as Han, they enjoy certain preferential economic
> and social policies, and about half the top party
> leaders in the TAR have been ethnic Tibetans.
> Tibet has none of the indicia of a colony or occupied
> territory and thus has no relationship to self-
> determination, a concept that in recent decades has
> often been misused, especially by the US, to foster the
> breakup of states and consequent emiseration of their
> populations. A settlement between the Chinese
> government and Tibetan exile elites is a pre-condition
> for the mitigation of Tibetan grievances because absent
> a settlement, ethnic politics will continue to subsume
> every issue in Tibet, as it does for example, in Taiwan
> and Kosovo, where ethnic binaries are constructed by
> "ethnic political entrepreneurs," who seek to outbid
> each other for support.
> The riots in Tibet have done nothing to advance
> discussions of a political settlement between the
> Chinese government and exiles, yet a settlement is
> necessary for the substantial mitigation of Tibetan
> grievances. For Tibetan pro-independence forces, a
> setback to such efforts may have been their very
> purpose in fostering the riots. Tibetan pro-
> independence forces, like separatists everywhere, seek
> to counter any view of the world that is not ethnic-
> based and to thwart all efforts to resolve ethnic
> contradictions, in order to boost the mobilization
> needed to sustain their ethnic nationalist projects.
> They have claimed that China will soon collapse and the
> US will thereafter increase its patronage of a Tibetan
> state elite, to the benefit of ordinary Tibetans. One
> only has to look round the world at the many
> humanitarian catastrophes that have resulted from such
> thinking to project what consequences are likely to
> follow for ordinary Tibetans if the separatist fantasy
> were fulfilled.


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #9 on: April 06, 2008, 09:00:17 AM »
Did Dalai get the wrong picture on Tibet riots?
Venkatesan Vembu
Saturday, April 05, 2008 

HONG KONG: Chinese internet users have gone to extraordinary lengths to disprove the Dalai Lama’s claim that the riots in Lhasa on March 14, which claimed several lives, were instigated by Chinese soldiers disguised as Buddhist monks.

At a press conference in New Delhi last week, the Dalai Lama made the serious allegation that Chinese soldiers had dressed as monks to convey the impression that Tibetans were instigating the riots. “A few hundred soldiers have been dressed like monks,” he said.

Though the Dalai Lama did not produce any evidence to support his allegation, it is believed he was referring to a widely-circulated photograph which showed uniformed men on a Lhasa street, some of them wearing burgundy-coloured robes (a typical Tibetan lama wear).

Behind them in the photograph are a few Tibetan hangers-on and a tricycle-rickshaw, a common mode of transport in Lhasa. In the absence of an explanatory context, the photograph appears to validate the Dalai Lama’s claim.

But Chinese internet users have collectively critiqued the photograph and effectively disproved the claim. For a start, they pointed out, going by the olive-green uniforms of the men in the photograph, they were not People’s Liberation Army soldiers, but belonged to the People’s Armed Police (PAP), a paramilitary force primarily responsible for law enforcement in China.

Others drilled down further to point out that under new uniform regulations in force since January 2005, armed police personnel sport a red shoulder patch. Since the men in the photograph did not have it the netizens concluded that the photograph must have been taken before January 2005.

The “cyber sleuths” then subjected other elements in the picture to more rigorous scrutiny. For instance, even the tricycle-rickshaws, which had a blue-coloured canopy, provided clues to when it was taken.

Starting October 2004, all pedal rickshaws in Lhasa were required to have a standard yellow-blue-red-green canopy. This meant, argued the netizens, the photographs were taken prior to that date.

Even the Tibetan hangers-on in the photo told a story: they were dressed in summer wear, as were the PAP personnel. In March 2008, when the riots occurred, it was cold in Lhasa.

In other words, the netizens were able to establish that the photograph on which the Dalai Lama appears to have relied was taken years ago.


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #10 on: April 06, 2008, 10:07:04 AM »

The Hindu
India's online newspaper


The question of Tibet

If you go by western media reports, the propaganda of the so-called ‘Tibetan government-in-exile’ in Dharamsala and the votaries of the ‘Free Tibet’ cause, or by the fulminations of Nancy Pelosi and the Hollywood glitterati, Tibet is in the throes of a mass democratic uprising against Han Chinese communist rule. Some of the more fanciful news stories, images, and opinion pieces on the ‘democratic’ potential of this uprising have been put out by leading western newspapers and television networks. The reality is that the riot that broke out in Lhasa on March 14 and claimed a confirmed toll of 22 lives involved violent, ransacking mobs, including 300 militant monks from the Drepung Monastery, who marched in tandem with a foiled ‘March to Tibet’ by groups of monks across the border in India. In Lhasa, the rioters committed murder, arson, and other acts of savagery against innocent civilians and caused huge damage to public and private property. The atrocities included dousing one man with petrol and setting him alight, beating a patrol policeman and carving out a fist-size piece of his flesh, and torching a school with 800 terrorised pupils cowering inside. Visual images and independent eyewitness accounts attest to this ugly reality, which even compelled the Dalai Lama to threaten to resign. There was violence also in Tibetan ethnic areas in the adjacent provinces of Gansu and Sichuan, which, according to official estimates, took an injury toll of more than 700. Western analyses have linked these incidents to the March 10 anniversary of the failed 1959 Tibetan uprising, non-progress in the talks between the Dalai Lama’s emissaries and Beijing, China’s human rights record, and the Beijing Olympic Games, which will of course be held as scheduled from August 8 to 24.

Recent accounts, however, express unease and sadness over the containment of the troubles, the ‘large-scale,’ if belated and politically slow, response by Beijing, and the ‘brutal ease’ with which the protests have been ‘smothered’. In another context, say Pakistan under Pervez Musharraf, such a response would have been called exemplary restraint. As evidence accumulates, the realisation dawns that it is too much to expect any legitimate government of a major country to turn the other cheek to such savagery and breakdown of public order. So there is a shift in the key demand made on China: it must ‘initiate’ a dialogue with the Dalai Lama to find a sustainable political solution in Tibet.

But this is precisely what China has done for over three decades. The framework of the political solution is there for all to see. There is not a single government in the world that either disputes the status of Tibet; or does not recognise it as a part of the People’s Republic of China; or is willing to accord any kind of legal recognition to the Dalai Lama’s ‘government-in-exile.’ This situation certainly presents a contrast to the lack of an international consensus on the legal status of Kashmir. Nevertheless, there remains a Tibet political question, represented by the ideology and politics of the Dalai Lama and the ‘independence for Tibet’ movement, and it has an international as well as a domestic dimension.

This is an era of unprecedented development for the Chinese economy, which has grown at nearly 10 per cent a year for three decades. Tibet itself is on an economic roll: it has sustained an annual growth rate of more than 12 per cent over the past six years and is now on a 13-14 per cent growth trajectory. A new politics of conciliation towards the Dalai Lama’s camp has been shaped by this era, and since 2002, six rounds of discussion have taken place between the representatives of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government. The former have stated that the Dalai Lama’s current approach is to “look to the future as opposed to Tibet’s history to resolve its status vis-À-vis China,” and that the crux of his ‘Middle Way’ approach is to “recognise today’s reality that Tibet is part of the People’s Republic of China … and not raise the issue of separation from China in working on a mutually acceptable solution for Tibet.”

The real problem arises from two demands pressed by the Dalai Lama. The first is his concept of ‘high-level’ or ‘maximum’ autonomy in line with the ‘one country, two systems’ principle. The Chinese government points out that this is applicable only to Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan, and that the kind of autonomy that the Dalai Lama demanded in November 2005 cannot possibly be accommodated within the Chinese Constitution. Secondly, the 2.6 million Tibetans in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), which constitutes one-eighth of China’s territory, form only 40 per cent of the total population of Tibetans in China. The Chinese government makes the perfectly reasonable point that acceptance of the demand for ‘Greater Tibet’ or ‘one administrative entity’ for all 6.5 million ethnic Tibetans means breaking up Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, and Yunnan provinces, doing ethnic re-engineering, if not ‘cleansing’, and causing enormous disruption and damage to China’s society and political system. This demand too is ruled out, as any comparable demand to break up States in India would be.

Multi-ethnic India is no stranger to such challenges to its territorial integrity: just consider the armed insurgency challenges, in some cases with external fuelling, in Jammu & Kashmir and in several parts of the North-East. Although the United Progressive Alliance government has made some statements about the Tibet incidents that hew close to the Washington line, it will be pleased that the studied official Chinese response has been to highlight India’s “clear and consistent” stand on the status of Tibet as part of the People’s Republic of China. New Delhi has allowed too much latitude to the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan discontents for their political activities on Indian soil, which go against the stand that they are not allowed “to engage in anti-China political activities in India,” a principle reaffirmed by External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee in Washington on March 24. The time has come for India to use the leverage that comes with hosting the Dalai Lama and his followers since 1959 to persuade or pressure him to get real about the future of Tibet — and engage in a sincere dialogue with Beijing to find a reasonable, just, and sustainable political solution within the framework of one China.


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #11 on: April 11, 2008, 12:41:17 PM »
Facing Facts On Tibet
Louise Blouin MacBain 04.11.08, 6:00 AM ET

The protests marking the 49th anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's flight from Tibet have returned the attention of the world to the region and the question of its long-term relationship with China. These protests regrettably have brought with them the loss of life, emotionally charged exchanges between Tibetans and Chinese, and over the last week, a series of violent pro-Tibet protests in London and Paris disrupting the Olympic torch relay, the symbolic inauguration of the 2008 Beijing Games.

While this latest round of protests has further threatened to tarnish the image of the Games themselves, we must not allow this to take us away from the fundamental issue at hand--the work needed to be done to develop a solution for the status of Tibet within China, while fostering the conditions for peace and stability between the Tibetans and Chinese, now and into the future.

We have to ask, why is it so important to work toward this solution now, rather than wait another two or three or five years? What makes this moment so vital? I would argue that it is not simply because of the added political leverage gained from the Beijing Olympics. Indeed, this reality is removing us from reasonable and rational dialogue on the issue. Remember, His Holiness has not called for a boycott of the Games. In the end, however, the far broader threat to Tibetan culture as a result of globalization, economic expansion and migration is real.

His Holiness has stated that neither he nor his government were responsible for the March 10 protests. This statement raises the question as to the extent of his authority over a younger generation of the Tibetan independence movement--one that is less willing to follow the route of non-violence as part of a "Middle Way" approach. We must avoid a turn to violence and radicalism from these groups at all costs. We cannot afford another Northern Ireland or Palestine.

Since these protests, two sets of demands have been made. First, from His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who has called for renewed dialogue with China on the basis of cultural preservation and cultural autonomy for all Tibetans, both inside and outside of the Tibetan Autonomous Region--this has been described as "meaningful autonomy" and not independence.

Second, from the Chinese, in particular Premier Wen Jiabao, who while responding quite forcefully to the protests has said the "door of dialogue still remained open," on the condition that His Holiness renounces both his claims for Tibetan independence and violent political action. There also have been numerous calls from heads of state for renewed dialogue, most recently on April 9 from President Bush.

Taken at face value, both of these demands seem compatible--His Holiness has stated repeatedly that he stands neither for political independence nor for violence.

However, ambiguity appears to creep in when we look at the direct demands that make up the Middle Way, which were updated as recently as 2006 and call explicitly for the creation of Tibetan political institutions to govern all Tibetan populated areas within China, as opposed to specific demands concerning cultural protections. Taking this ambiguity into account, the restart of substantial negotiations between His Holiness and the Chinese is not a foregone conclusion.

While six meetings have taken place between the Tibetan Government in Exile and the Chinese government since 2002, none of these meetings has featured direct negotiation on key issues with His Holiness despite a request by the Chinese, nor have they resulted in any progress concerning the fundamental issue of the status of Tibet within China.

I believe that this lack of progress is due to unrealistic demands made by His Holiness as part of his proposal for "meaningful autonomy" that extends the reach of Tibetan governance far beyond the borders of the Tibetan Autonomous Region to apply to all Tibetan populated areas. This extension has been conveyed to me by both the Chinese government in a white paper on the Tibet issue, and in a recent letter received from New York Tibetan representative Tashi Wangdi. While protections for Tibetan culture and environment need to be created and economic opportunity given, these protections need to be both realistic and pragmatic.

Still, I remain convinced that substantial negotiation is possible if His Holiness directly engages the fundamental issues concerning Tibet. I am further convinced that His Holiness will find a willing and serious partner in negotiation with the Chinese.

Why do I believe this to be the case? As part of the mandate of our LTB Foundation and our Global Creative Leadership Summit and its platform, we have been in contact with the Chinese Minister of Information--now the current Minister of Culture--Cai Wu, who is directly involved in the Tibet issue.

In meetings and correspondence since last November, Cai Wu has indicated that China is willing to host serious negotiations with His Holiness, and to focus these negotiations on the preservation of a distinct Tibetan culture within a greater China. He has also indicated that throughout the previous negotiation process, invitations for direct talks with the Dalai Lama went unanswered, which I believe was due to the personal pain felt by His Holiness over Tibet. Our meeting with Cai Wu ended with an understanding that China would provide us with further information on its position regarding Tibet. Once we received this information on paper, we agreed that our foundation would reach out to His Holiness in an effort to renew a dialogue with the Chinese.

This proved to be more difficult than anticipated. Since June 2006 we have made numerous attempts to speak with His Holiness and to develop a working relationship with his representatives. The first attempt was in Petra, Jordan, where I was the guest of King Abdullah as part of a Nobel Laureates conference. There, our foundation was turned away by the representatives of His Holiness as we sought an audience. A second attempt was made immediately following my contact with the Chinese Minister of Information last November, to no avail.

Recently, in the wake of the March 10 protests, we have been able to make more substantial contact with his representatives and discussed the Tibet issue with them, but again failed to obtain an audience with His Holiness who we were told had a tightly booked schedule over the next months.

In the intervening months, it had become increasingly clear to me that China was making an investment in culture on a scale unlike any other in the world. Moreover, Wu told me that the Chinese people deeply regretted the Cultural Revolution and were doing their best to make amends. With this we can see that China places great importance on the role of culture within society. What does this mean in terms of Tibet? The Chinese have come to recognize the need for the preservation of Tibetan culture.

It is understandable that His Holiness might be reluctant to meet and be party to a direct negotiation process on the Tibet issue. After all, His Holiness only made first contact with the Chinese over this matter in 1978, some 19 years after his flight from Tibet into exile abroad. This is certainly an extremely difficult and delicate process where there is much fear, remorse and recrimination on both sides. But it is a step that must be taken.

Louise Blouin MacBain is chairman of the Louise T. Blouin Foundation and the New Globalization Platform, part of the Global Creative Leadership Initiative.

The following table represents the official political demands of the Tibetan Government in Exile as part of the "Middle Way" approach, last updated in 2006; and from the Chinese government white paper provided to our foundation on relation to the Tibet issue in 2007.


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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #12 on: April 11, 2008, 01:01:14 PM »

Political Demands: People's Republic of China, Tibet Policy (2007)

1. The Dalai Lama must abandon his independence goal, stops his separatist activities.
2. He must recognize that Tibet is an inalienable part of China and that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China.

3. He must recognize that the government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China.

Political Demands:Tibetan Government in Exile,
Middle Way Approach (2006)
1. Without seeking independence for Tibet, the Central Tibetan Administration strives for the creation of a political entity comprising the three traditional provinces of Tibet.
2. Such an entity should enjoy a status of genuine national regional autonomy.

3. This autonomy should be governed by the popularly elected legislature and executive through a democratic process and should have an independent judicial system.
4. As soon as the above status is agreed upon by the Chinese government, Tibet would not seek separation from, and remain within, the People's Republic of China.

5. Until the time Tibet is transformed into a zone of peace and non-violence, the Chinese government can keep a limited number of armed forces in Tibet for its protection.
6. The Central Government of the People's Republic of China has the responsibility for the political aspects of Tibet's international relations and defense, whereas the Tibetan people should manage all other affairs pertaining to Tibet, such as religion and culture, education, economy, health, ecological and environmental protection.
7. The Chinese government should stop its policy of human rights violations in Tibet and the transfer of Chinese population into Tibetan areas.
8. To resolve the issue of Tibet, His Holiness the Dalai Lama shall take the main responsibility of sincerely pursuing negotiations and reconciliation with the Chinese government.

Source, TGIE: The Middle-Way Approach: A Framework for Resolving the Issue of Tibet (2006).

Source, PRC: The 14th Dalai Lama and the Chinese Central Government’s Policy, a white paper on China's Tibet policy sent to the Louise T. Blouin Foundation from the Chinese Ministry of Information (2008).

sumatia arya

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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #13 on: April 11, 2008, 06:13:52 PM »

                                                                           Dalai clique´s masterminding of Lhasa violence exposed


On Feb. 15 to 17, the five organizations launched training programs on persons in charge of the movement activities in Dharamsala in northwest India, where the "Tibetan government-in-exile" was located. Four days later, they started a six-day campaign to recruit participants in the same place.

The "GCSMT" obtained financial assistance from the U.S.-based National Endowment for Democracy (NED) on Feb. 27 as the fund "for activists to deal with dangers."

According to the NED report, the foundation had granted 1.36 million U.S. dollars to the Dalai clique between 2002 and 2006. In2006 alone, it gave 85,000 dollars to the organizations such as the "TWA" and "GCSMT."

The Dalai clique investigated about 300 Tibetans who were smuggled across the border from China in February in a bid to collect information for planned attacks on the border ports or infiltration into China, the article said.

On March 10, after careful selection, 101 hard-core members setoff from Dharamsala to undrape the movement.


March 10 is the anniversary of the so-called "Tibet uprising" in 1959. On the day 49 years ago, Lhasa had seen a bloody riot initiated by the Dalai clique. Rioters killed Pagbalha Soinam Gyamco, senior lama and a member of the preparation committee of the Tibet Autonomous Region, tied his body with a horse and dragged it for two kilometers.

The day, annually remembered by the Dalai clique, was a remembrance of violence. And history seemed to repeat.

The same day this year, a ceremony was held in Dharamsala to mark the event and the 14th Dalai Lama criticized in a statement that the Chinese government imposed "more severe repression upon Tibetans in Tibet", "trampled on human rights and limited religious freedom" while appreciating "Tibetan people's sincerity, courage and resolution."

Right after the ceremony, about 300 monks from Zhaibung Monastery tried to march into Lhasa downtown, and in the following days, monks from other temples in Lhasa also tried to demonstrate but were held back by police.

When the monks' efforts to spread unrest failed, violent rioters came. They torched shops and vehicles, attacked innocent passers-by on the streets and even ambulances on March 14.

Dalai clique´s masterminding of Lhasa violence exposed


Source: Xinhua | 03-30-2008 21:10

Special Report:   3.14 Tibet Riots

BEIJING, March 30 (Xinhua) -- Xinhua was authorized to release a signed article Sunday to reveal how the Dalai Lama clique plotted and incited the Lhasa violence on March 14 which killed at least 18 civilians and one police officer.

The story by Yi Duo says it was untrue for the Dalai clique to claim that the riot was a "spontaneous peaceful protest" which the Dalai Lama has had nothing to do with. ?


An unnamed suspect in connection with the Lhasa violence has confessed to the police that the "security department" of the "Tibetan government-in-exile" asked him to hand around leaflets promoting the so-called "Tibetan people's uprising movement" to civilians and monks in Tibet, according to the article.

"The violence on March 14 was related to the instigation done by the 'security department' of the 'Tibetan government-in-exile'," the suspect said.

"For the sake of protecting myself, (the Dalai Lama clique) asked me not to participate in the demonstrations in person, just in charge of stirring people up," the suspect said.

"The beating, smashing, looting and burning were by no means peaceful demonstrations, and the deeds were inhuman," the suspect admitted. "If they (the Dalai Lama clique) wanted to follow the non-violence 'middle way', such violence should have never happened."

On the same day when violent mobs attacked innocent Lhasa civilians, a closed-door meeting was held by the Dalai Lama clique on how to enlarge the "achievements," the article said.


The meeting finally decided to mobilize all monasteries in Tibet each with more than 100 lamas, especially those of the Yellow Sect in Tibetan Buddhism, and ask monks to take to the street and involve common Tibetans in the demonstrations. The meeting also plotted to launch continuous protests by various stages in Tibetan-inhabited areas.

Samdhong, "prime minister" of the "Tibetan government-in-exile," said at the meeting that they should seize the very rare chance of Beijing Olympics to make breakthroughs in that "Tibet cause", to pave the way for the Dalai Lama to "return" to Tibet and to achieve high autonomy in "Greater Tibet" and its goal of "abolishing" the existing management method on reincarnation of Tibetan living Buddhas.

The Dalai clique also entrusted the "ministry of finance" under the "government-in-exile" to "financially support the decisive battle against the Chinese government," the article said.

A day after the violence on March 14, the "Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC)", a hard line organization under the Dalai clique that openly preach violence, decided to "set up guerillas to infiltrate into Tibet and start armed struggles" at a meeting in Dharamsala, where the "Tibetan government-in-exile" was located, the article said.

They also drafted plans on recruitment, financing and purchasing weapons and planned to steal into Tibet through the China-Nepal border.

The "TYC" leaders said they are ready to "sacrifice another 100 Tibetans at least" to achieve their goal.

Besides the "TYC", other organizations under the Dalai Lama clique also sent people to Tibetan communities in India and Nepal, urging residents there to contact people in Tibet and other Tibetan-inhabited areas in China through telephone or e-mail and incite them, "in the name of Dalai Lama", to hold demonstrations following the Lhasa violence.

Cewang Rigzin, the "TYC" president, said at a meeting on March 20 that violence has "reached its goal" to "wake resistance force among people in Tibet and attract high-profile international attention to Tibet issue" but the struggle "will not stop and this incident is just the prelude of this year's fight."


The article detailed how the Dalai clique masterminded a so-called "Tibetan people's uprising movement" that led to the violence in Lhasa.

Five organizations under the "Tibetan government-in-exile", the "TYC", "Tibetan Women's Association (TWA)," "Students for a Free Tibet (SFT)," "National Democratic Party of Tibet (NDPT)" and "Gu-Chu-Sum Movement of Tibet (GCSMT)" announced the formal start of "Tibetan people's uprising movement" on Jan. 4 this year and founded a temporary preparation office in charge of coordination and financing, headed by Cewang Rigzin, according to the report.

They claimed that the movement is a "turning point on the history of Tibetan's struggle for freedom," the article said.

"They divided the movement into four stages," it said. The first was to recruit participants and promote the ideas of the movement. The second stage, or the action step, started on March 10, followed by the third one to organizing demonstrations across the world. The last one was to launch actions in the regions inhabited by Tibetan people inside China.


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Countries react over Tibet riots

Source: | 03-22-2008 14:47

Special Report:   3.14 Tibet Riots

Senior officials in many countries have voiced their support for the Chinese government over the recent violence in Lhasa, the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region. They also oppose the idea of politicizing the upcoming Olympics.

A spokesman for Mongolia's Foreign Ministry says his country adheres to the one-China policy and recognizes Tibet as an inalienable part of China.

Nepal's Foreign Ministry makes it clear that Tibet is an inseparable part of China. Nepal has expressed its appreciation of the Chinese government's commitment to peace, stability and progress.

Bangladesh's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has expressed the country's solidarity with China over the Tibet issue. Bangladesh also conveys its wishes for the success of the Beijing Olympic Games, and opposes the idea of politicizing this sports event.

Kazakh Vice Foreign Minister, Nurlan Baiuzakovich Yermekbayev, says measures adopted by the Chinese government to defend Tibet's social stability is entirely China's internal affair.

The speaker of Kyrgyzstan's parliament, Adakhan Madumarov, says the Tibet issue is an internal affair of China. He also says Kyrgyzstan believes the Chinese government and people have the capacity to safeguard social stability in Tibet.

Tajik First Deputy Foreign Minister, Abdullo Yuldoshev, says Tajikistan strongly condemns the organizers and mobs that sparked the riots in Lhasa. Tajikistan firmly supports the lawful measures taken by the

Chinese government to maintain social stability, and opposes the idea of politicizing the Olympics.

Georgian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Grigol Vashadze, says his country believes the riots in Lhasa will not affect the Beijing Olympics and Georgia will participate in the Games as planned.

Syria condemns the recent acts of sabotage in Lhasa and expresses solidarity with China's aim to maintain security and stability in Tibet.

Fiji's Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama says his country supports China's actions to deal with the riots in accordance with the rule of law. Bainimarama says it's necessary for China to take proper measures to safeguard national peace and stability.

Serbia has reiterated its support in principle of the one-China policy and respect for China's sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The Zambian government denounces the ferocity of the rioters in Lhasa, and hopes that stability will soon be restored. Zambia says it is in favor of all peace-loving countries taking part in the Beijing Olympic Games.

A Benin government spokesperson has strongly condemned the violence which was planned and instigated by the Dalai Lama clique. The spokesperson said the violence and the criminal acts by the separatists have clearly proved that the Dalai Lama clique's slogans proclaiming "peace" and "non-violence" are lies.

Several ambassadors from African countries to China have also sent messages to the Chinese Foreign Ministry, saying they uphold the one-China policy and support the Chinese government's efforts in safeguarding national unity and social stability. These African countries also say they oppose all actions attempting to politicize the Olympics.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization has expressed its support for the necessary measures adopted by the Chinese government to stop criminal actions, and maintain stability in Tibet. The Organization says the Chinese government and people are capable of hosting a great Olympics for the whole world.

This article you can find on page Voice of Dorje Shugden




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Re: Dalai Lama and his actions and supporters
« Reply #14 on: April 12, 2008, 08:11:13 PM »

Singapore PM warns Olympic protests will have
'consequences' by angering Chinese people
SINGAPORE - Singapore's prime minister warned Friday
that recent protests along the Olympic torch relay
have angered the Chinese public and will create
"consequences" beyond the games themselves.

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said the people of
China are viewing the protests as an affront to their
country during what should be "China's coming-out
party, to celebrate its progress" and opening up to
the world.

"Whatever the intentions of the demonstrators, the
people of China believe they want to inflict maximum
humiliation on China and the Chinese people more than
the Chinese government," Lee said at a forum in
Singapore, according to a government statement.

The Olympic torch was met by major demonstrations in
San Francisco, London and Paris this week on its relay
around the world. Thousands of protesters angry at
China's human rights record, its harsh rule in Tibet
and its friendly ties with Sudan scuffled with police
and attempted to block the torch's passage.

Lee added that public outrage in China, especially
among the young, could be seen in the "virulent
anti-foreign sentiments" carried on Internet bulletin
boards, adding it was a pity the postings were in
Chinese and unintelligible to most in the West.

"Were they in the English language, young Americans
and Europeans would realize that these displays of
contempt for China and things Chinese will have
consequences in their lifetime, well beyond the
Olympic Games," Lee said. He did not elaborate.

Singapore, which is preparing to host the first Youth
Olympic Games in 2010, has said the Olympic torch
should be "respected as a symbol of peace and unity."
Copyright 2008 The Associated Press.